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| Ba Beta Kristiyan Haile Selassie I |
| Chapter III |
| Selected Speeches |
Certain developments have occurred in Africa since the irresistble tide of
independence swept over this continent which upon superficial
examination, have been the cause of concern for the future. We are told
that Africa has been split into competing groups, thus inhibiting
co-operation among the African States and severely retarding African
progress. One hears of the Casablanca Group and the Monrovia Group,
of the Conakry and Dakar Declarations, and we are warned that the views
and policies of these so-called groups are so antithetical as to make it
impossible for them to work together as partners in an enterprise to which
all are mutually devoted.
But do such hard and fast groupings really exist? And if certain nations
sharing similar views have taken measures to co-ordinate their policies,
does this mean that, between these nations and others, there is no
possibility of free and mutually beneficial co-operation? Is Africa really
fragmented, and has independence been achieved on this great continent
only to see the African nations themselves transform differences into
divisions? And are such divisions as already exist, imposed upon us by
history and circumstance, to be widened and deepened by our own
efforts?
Let Us say, first of all, that Ethiopia considers herself a member of one
group only -- the African group. We will join in any deliberations, we will
consider any plan, we will debate any proposal anywhere, and at any time,
provided that it contributes to the maintenance of world peace, the
development of Africa's human and material resources, and the protection
of this continent's legitimate interests. When we Africans have been
misled into pigeon-holing one another, into attributing rigid and inflexible
views to states which were present at one conference but not at another,
then we shall, without reason or justification, have limited our own
freedom of action and rendered immeasurably more difficult the task of
joint efforts, in harmony and brotherhood, in the common cause of Africa.
Let Us say, further, that We do not regard the absence of nations from the
so-called Casablanca Group as evidence of any fundamental and
irreparable rift between them and the twenty-two nations gathered in these
halls. We have already stated that We regret their absence, but We are
persuaded that they would agree with much, if not all, of what we shall
say here, and that they will join in spirit and in future co-operate with the
decisions we shall take during this Conference.
We contend, accordingly, that no wide and unbridgeable gulf exists
between the various groupings which have been created. It is Our belief,
to the contrary, that a close and careful analysis of the policies adopted by
the African nations today on a wide range of questions emphasizes, not the
differences among them, but the large number of views which they share
in common. When laid side by side, the Conakry and Dakar resolutions
resemble one another in many more respects than they differ. They reveal
a fundamental agreement of principle upon certain basic economic
measures to be taken in specific fields. The importance of improving rail,
road and air communications, of stimulating commerce, of eliminating
customs and trade barriers, of emphasizing and co-ordinating development
planning and economic research -- these are common objectives espoused
by all. We Ourself are pleased that agreement in principle has been
reached on the establishment of an African Development Bank, a step
which We urged in Our address to the Conference of Independent African
States in Addis Ababa in June of 1960.
independence swept over this continent which upon superficial
examination, have been the cause of concern for the future. We are told
that Africa has been split into competing groups, thus inhibiting
co-operation among the African States and severely retarding African
progress. One hears of the Casablanca Group and the Monrovia Group,
of the Conakry and Dakar Declarations, and we are warned that the views
and policies of these so-called groups are so antithetical as to make it
impossible for them to work together as partners in an enterprise to which
all are mutually devoted.
But do such hard and fast groupings really exist? And if certain nations
sharing similar views have taken measures to co-ordinate their policies,
does this mean that, between these nations and others, there is no
possibility of free and mutually beneficial co-operation? Is Africa really
fragmented, and has independence been achieved on this great continent
only to see the African nations themselves transform differences into
divisions? And are such divisions as already exist, imposed upon us by
history and circumstance, to be widened and deepened by our own
efforts?
Let Us say, first of all, that Ethiopia considers herself a member of one
group only -- the African group. We will join in any deliberations, we will
consider any plan, we will debate any proposal anywhere, and at any time,
provided that it contributes to the maintenance of world peace, the
development of Africa's human and material resources, and the protection
of this continent's legitimate interests. When we Africans have been
misled into pigeon-holing one another, into attributing rigid and inflexible
views to states which were present at one conference but not at another,
then we shall, without reason or justification, have limited our own
freedom of action and rendered immeasurably more difficult the task of
joint efforts, in harmony and brotherhood, in the common cause of Africa.
Let Us say, further, that We do not regard the absence of nations from the
so-called Casablanca Group as evidence of any fundamental and
irreparable rift between them and the twenty-two nations gathered in these
halls. We have already stated that We regret their absence, but We are
persuaded that they would agree with much, if not all, of what we shall
say here, and that they will join in spirit and in future co-operate with the
decisions we shall take during this Conference.
We contend, accordingly, that no wide and unbridgeable gulf exists
between the various groupings which have been created. It is Our belief,
to the contrary, that a close and careful analysis of the policies adopted by
the African nations today on a wide range of questions emphasizes, not the
differences among them, but the large number of views which they share
in common. When laid side by side, the Conakry and Dakar resolutions
resemble one another in many more respects than they differ. They reveal
a fundamental agreement of principle upon certain basic economic
measures to be taken in specific fields. The importance of improving rail,
road and air communications, of stimulating commerce, of eliminating
customs and trade barriers, of emphasizing and co-ordinating development
planning and economic research -- these are common objectives espoused
by all. We Ourself are pleased that agreement in principle has been
reached on the establishment of an African Development Bank, a step
which We urged in Our address to the Conference of Independent African
States in Addis Ababa in June of 1960.
| A Committee |
We have already attained, then, a remarkable coincidence of thinking and
planning in the highly important economic sphere. This is in itself a major
achievement. It would be remarkable indeed did twenty-eight nations, in
their policies and programmes, reveal no divergencies of opinion. We may
take satisfaction and encouragement from the fact that such a large
measure of identify of approach and attitude already exists.
We urge that this Conference use this as its starting point, that we
emphasize and lay stress on the areas of similarity and agreement rather
than upon whatever disagreements and differences may exist among us.
It is a sound tactic of military strategy to attack where your opponent's
defence is weakest. It is surely sound strategy for all of us to move ahead
where such movement is unobstructed and unimpeded.
It had been Our intention to propose that the decisions taken at both
Conakry and Dakar, insofar as they involve the technical aspects of
economic planning and co-ordination, be referred to a committee of
specialists representing all African opinion to review them and report to the
forthcoming Conference of Independent African States convening in three
months in Tunisia. As we are all only too aware, the nations most vitally
concerned in the Conakry decisions are unrepresented here. Nonetheless,
We ask that this same step be taken, and that the States not present here
today be asked and urged, in the name of Africa and African unity to send
members to participate in the work of this committee.
We would suggest that this same committee simultaneously study the
implications and effects which the European Common Market will have on
the economies of the African States and on our efforts to work out a
co-ordinated programme of African economic development, and
recommend measures designed to minimize the adverse effects of this
impact. The European Common Market constitutes both a great challenge
and a grave danger to Africa. We have witnessed the remarkable
achievements which the abolition of customs barriers and the
co-ordination of economic development have brought to pass in Western
Europe, and we are encouraged to press for the taking of similar steps on
our own continent. At the same time, we cannot ignore the dangers
inherent in the further strengthening of an already gigantic economic unit
which looms to the north and casts an ever longer shadow in our direction.
planning in the highly important economic sphere. This is in itself a major
achievement. It would be remarkable indeed did twenty-eight nations, in
their policies and programmes, reveal no divergencies of opinion. We may
take satisfaction and encouragement from the fact that such a large
measure of identify of approach and attitude already exists.
We urge that this Conference use this as its starting point, that we
emphasize and lay stress on the areas of similarity and agreement rather
than upon whatever disagreements and differences may exist among us.
It is a sound tactic of military strategy to attack where your opponent's
defence is weakest. It is surely sound strategy for all of us to move ahead
where such movement is unobstructed and unimpeded.
It had been Our intention to propose that the decisions taken at both
Conakry and Dakar, insofar as they involve the technical aspects of
economic planning and co-ordination, be referred to a committee of
specialists representing all African opinion to review them and report to the
forthcoming Conference of Independent African States convening in three
months in Tunisia. As we are all only too aware, the nations most vitally
concerned in the Conakry decisions are unrepresented here. Nonetheless,
We ask that this same step be taken, and that the States not present here
today be asked and urged, in the name of Africa and African unity to send
members to participate in the work of this committee.
We would suggest that this same committee simultaneously study the
implications and effects which the European Common Market will have on
the economies of the African States and on our efforts to work out a
co-ordinated programme of African economic development, and
recommend measures designed to minimize the adverse effects of this
impact. The European Common Market constitutes both a great challenge
and a grave danger to Africa. We have witnessed the remarkable
achievements which the abolition of customs barriers and the
co-ordination of economic development have brought to pass in Western
Europe, and we are encouraged to press for the taking of similar steps on
our own continent. At the same time, we cannot ignore the dangers
inherent in the further strengthening of an already gigantic economic unit
which looms to the north and casts an ever longer shadow in our direction.
| Our Problems |
Turning form the economic to the political field, we find, again, large areas
of agreement, although there are basic differences in approach which
require careful consideration. We must recognize at the outset that certain
political problems have been created by the rapidity with which African
States have achieved their independence. We do not for a moment
suggest that independence came too quickly or was too easily won; no one
here would turn back the clock to the day when he was other than a free
man. But there are some hard facts which cannot be ignored.
Today, on the African continent, there are twenty-eight indepedent
nations, with the possibility of many more being added in the
not-too-distant future. The population of these nations ranges form
upward of 35 million for the Federation of Nigeria to fewer than 1 million
in the case of several of the smallest States. The economic potential of
some African nations promises future growth and development into
richness and plenty; other States find themselves in financial difficulties,
and budgetary subsidies from one source or another will be required for
many years to maintain their economic existence. We must never forget
that the boundaries of many African nations were arbitrarily created by the
colonialist powers at the time of the scramble for Africa: nonetheless, all
African nations are pledged to respect them and to support the territorial
integrity of the existing African nations. During the period of colonialist
rule, contact among Africans was stifled, such barriers to intercourse and
communication as already existed were perpetuated and new barriers were
erected where none had earlier been found.
We must, then, face the fact that history has bequeathed to Africa a host
of problems. While not of our own making, we cannot, by pretending that
they do not exist, wish them away. The dangers which they constitute
should be apparent to all, and it requires no great measure of astuteness or
wisdom to recognize that, unless we act, the defects to which, willy-nilly,
we have fallen heir will be exploited to our detriment. We have seen in the
Congo the tragic consequences which follow when, within the confines of
a single State, men who have been deprived of the concept of "nation",
whose horizons have been limited to the confines of their family
relationships, are stirred up one against the other. Exploitation is indeed
possible, and influences abound which will not hesitate to divide us, to pit
us one against the other and to stir up disharmony and suspicion wher
only brotherhood and confidence should be found.
T escape exploitation, and to overcome the political deficiencies which
beset us, Ethiopia urges that wile we press ahead with all urgency and
speed in those economic areas in which rapid advances can be
achieved, parallel steps should simultaneously be taken to explore the
possibilities of achieving increasing future political unity among African
States -- indeed, We believe that we all are, and that we differ only in
our assessment of the speed with which this most desirable goal can
be attained. The task now is to devise the means whereby this basic
agreement may be most rapidly advanced.
of agreement, although there are basic differences in approach which
require careful consideration. We must recognize at the outset that certain
political problems have been created by the rapidity with which African
States have achieved their independence. We do not for a moment
suggest that independence came too quickly or was too easily won; no one
here would turn back the clock to the day when he was other than a free
man. But there are some hard facts which cannot be ignored.
Today, on the African continent, there are twenty-eight indepedent
nations, with the possibility of many more being added in the
not-too-distant future. The population of these nations ranges form
upward of 35 million for the Federation of Nigeria to fewer than 1 million
in the case of several of the smallest States. The economic potential of
some African nations promises future growth and development into
richness and plenty; other States find themselves in financial difficulties,
and budgetary subsidies from one source or another will be required for
many years to maintain their economic existence. We must never forget
that the boundaries of many African nations were arbitrarily created by the
colonialist powers at the time of the scramble for Africa: nonetheless, all
African nations are pledged to respect them and to support the territorial
integrity of the existing African nations. During the period of colonialist
rule, contact among Africans was stifled, such barriers to intercourse and
communication as already existed were perpetuated and new barriers were
erected where none had earlier been found.
We must, then, face the fact that history has bequeathed to Africa a host
of problems. While not of our own making, we cannot, by pretending that
they do not exist, wish them away. The dangers which they constitute
should be apparent to all, and it requires no great measure of astuteness or
wisdom to recognize that, unless we act, the defects to which, willy-nilly,
we have fallen heir will be exploited to our detriment. We have seen in the
Congo the tragic consequences which follow when, within the confines of
a single State, men who have been deprived of the concept of "nation",
whose horizons have been limited to the confines of their family
relationships, are stirred up one against the other. Exploitation is indeed
possible, and influences abound which will not hesitate to divide us, to pit
us one against the other and to stir up disharmony and suspicion wher
only brotherhood and confidence should be found.
T escape exploitation, and to overcome the political deficiencies which
beset us, Ethiopia urges that wile we press ahead with all urgency and
speed in those economic areas in which rapid advances can be
achieved, parallel steps should simultaneously be taken to explore the
possibilities of achieving increasing future political unity among African
States -- indeed, We believe that we all are, and that we differ only in
our assessment of the speed with which this most desirable goal can
be attained. The task now is to devise the means whereby this basic
agreement may be most rapidly advanced.
| The Cold War |
The furtherance of political unity, then, would be a fundamental objective
of the Organization of African States. We should not, however, ignore a
second and equally important aspect of its establishment. Africa has come
of age. With this independence has come not only the right, but the duty,
to deal with our own problems ourselves. So long as we either cannot or
will not deal directly and forcefully with our own problems, the way is
open for unilateral interference in this continent's internal affairs by other
nations which care less for Africa and more for themselves. In today's
world, this is equivalent to the importation into Africa of the cold war
struggle, a development which Ethiopia has steadfastly and doggedly
opposed and one to which our total combined resistance cannot be too
great. Africa is still too weak, her available resources too few and her
energies too limited for them or any part of them to be dissipated in a
world struggle which cannot add but only detract from African growth
and development. If we permit the tensions of the cold war to become the
tensions of Africa, valuable time will be lost and precious energy will be
wasted, all without any fulfilment of our solemn duty to secure the
advancement of the African peoples in liberty and well-being. We
Africans desire only to live in peace and friendship with all men, without
regard to race, creed or other persuasion, and are prepared to co-operate
with all who sincerely and honestly desire our well-being and
advancement. We cannot, nonetheless, needlessly expose ourselves to the
perils which the world power struggle carries in its wake.
The creation of an Organization of African States will provide the medium
whereby intra-Afrian disputes -- and these will arise, for we are human
and not angels -- may be settled peacefully. It will serve as the
mechanism through which sound and constructive measures for
increasing co-operation among the nations of Africa will be orginated,
articulated and implemented. It will contribute to the creation and
development of the atmosphere and spirit of mutual trust and confidence
so essential to the coordinated and simultaneous advance of the African
States along the path to liberty and prosperity. It will stand as a bulwark
against the interference by one African State in the internal affairs of
another and a safeguard against the involvement of non-African nations in
the affairs of this continent as a whole. If our progress is to be rapid and
effective, we must free ourselves of conflict, of fear, of the suspicion that
other than African hands are shaping events and developments in our
continent.
Ethiopia, impelled by these same considerations, has urged on various
occasions that ever-increasing propertions of the foreign assistance
which is being directed to this continent be channelled through the
United Nations Organization. We have supported such concrete
proposals as have been put forward to this end. Aid must be without
strings. The assessment of the need for assistance and the decision to
provide it -- these are questions which should be divorced from cold
war politics, from the conflicts between East and West. It is possible
to influence positions and oblige adherence to this or that policy by
economic pressure, but only at the expense of the pride and dignity of
those who thus renounce their birthright as free men, and the bill of
sale carriers the caveat: "revokable at will". If the great nations of the
world desire our sympathy and support, they should assist us to
become economically strong and morally independent, for only then
will our alliance with them be meaningful.
of the Organization of African States. We should not, however, ignore a
second and equally important aspect of its establishment. Africa has come
of age. With this independence has come not only the right, but the duty,
to deal with our own problems ourselves. So long as we either cannot or
will not deal directly and forcefully with our own problems, the way is
open for unilateral interference in this continent's internal affairs by other
nations which care less for Africa and more for themselves. In today's
world, this is equivalent to the importation into Africa of the cold war
struggle, a development which Ethiopia has steadfastly and doggedly
opposed and one to which our total combined resistance cannot be too
great. Africa is still too weak, her available resources too few and her
energies too limited for them or any part of them to be dissipated in a
world struggle which cannot add but only detract from African growth
and development. If we permit the tensions of the cold war to become the
tensions of Africa, valuable time will be lost and precious energy will be
wasted, all without any fulfilment of our solemn duty to secure the
advancement of the African peoples in liberty and well-being. We
Africans desire only to live in peace and friendship with all men, without
regard to race, creed or other persuasion, and are prepared to co-operate
with all who sincerely and honestly desire our well-being and
advancement. We cannot, nonetheless, needlessly expose ourselves to the
perils which the world power struggle carries in its wake.
The creation of an Organization of African States will provide the medium
whereby intra-Afrian disputes -- and these will arise, for we are human
and not angels -- may be settled peacefully. It will serve as the
mechanism through which sound and constructive measures for
increasing co-operation among the nations of Africa will be orginated,
articulated and implemented. It will contribute to the creation and
development of the atmosphere and spirit of mutual trust and confidence
so essential to the coordinated and simultaneous advance of the African
States along the path to liberty and prosperity. It will stand as a bulwark
against the interference by one African State in the internal affairs of
another and a safeguard against the involvement of non-African nations in
the affairs of this continent as a whole. If our progress is to be rapid and
effective, we must free ourselves of conflict, of fear, of the suspicion that
other than African hands are shaping events and developments in our
continent.
Ethiopia, impelled by these same considerations, has urged on various
occasions that ever-increasing propertions of the foreign assistance
which is being directed to this continent be channelled through the
United Nations Organization. We have supported such concrete
proposals as have been put forward to this end. Aid must be without
strings. The assessment of the need for assistance and the decision to
provide it -- these are questions which should be divorced from cold
war politics, from the conflicts between East and West. It is possible
to influence positions and oblige adherence to this or that policy by
economic pressure, but only at the expense of the pride and dignity of
those who thus renounce their birthright as free men, and the bill of
sale carriers the caveat: "revokable at will". If the great nations of the
world desire our sympathy and support, they should assist us to
become economically strong and morally independent, for only then
will our alliance with them be meaningful.
| Inter-Africa |
| A Proposal |
One step has already been proposed which We feel can contribute largely
to this goal. At the 16th Session of the United Nations General Assembly
which convened in New York last September, Our Delegation called for
the creation, under Article 52 of the United nations Charter, of an
Organization of African States. Implementation of this proposal can pave
the way for an expanded degree of political co-operation in Africa, and, as
events and circumstances so permit, of increasing future political unity as
well. This Organization should have a permanent structure and secretariat,
with specialized permanent institutions charged with continuing study of
particular problem areas of vital concern to Africans. In this form, it
would serve as an institutional clearing-house wherein Africans might
consider a vast variety of political and economic problems, and, in
particular, the furtherance of the concept of African political unity.
This step, in Our view, would bridge whatever chasm may now exist in
Africa. This Organization would enable Africans to speak with a single,
collective voice and would thereby maximize the contribution of the free
nations of this continent to the solution of the problems of our time.
There already exists, in the Conference of Independent African States, the
bare bones of the institution which We envisage, although organized on a
loose and impermanent basis. Let us employ this already-existing nucleus,
let us perfect it and render it permanent.
Ethiopia retains an open mind as to the precise form which the structure
of such an organization should take. Precedents exist in the Arab League,
in the Organization of American States and in other regional institutions.
However, we are not bound slavishly to adhere to precedent nor blindly to
adopt any particular formula. We only urge, and We trust that this
suggestion will receive the unanimous support of all States represented
here, that a Special Committee be created to elaborate specific proposals
looking to the speedy creation of an Organization of African States. This
Committee should conclude its work and report to the forthcoming
meeting of the Conference of Independent African States in Tunisia.
to this goal. At the 16th Session of the United Nations General Assembly
which convened in New York last September, Our Delegation called for
the creation, under Article 52 of the United nations Charter, of an
Organization of African States. Implementation of this proposal can pave
the way for an expanded degree of political co-operation in Africa, and, as
events and circumstances so permit, of increasing future political unity as
well. This Organization should have a permanent structure and secretariat,
with specialized permanent institutions charged with continuing study of
particular problem areas of vital concern to Africans. In this form, it
would serve as an institutional clearing-house wherein Africans might
consider a vast variety of political and economic problems, and, in
particular, the furtherance of the concept of African political unity.
This step, in Our view, would bridge whatever chasm may now exist in
Africa. This Organization would enable Africans to speak with a single,
collective voice and would thereby maximize the contribution of the free
nations of this continent to the solution of the problems of our time.
There already exists, in the Conference of Independent African States, the
bare bones of the institution which We envisage, although organized on a
loose and impermanent basis. Let us employ this already-existing nucleus,
let us perfect it and render it permanent.
Ethiopia retains an open mind as to the precise form which the structure
of such an organization should take. Precedents exist in the Arab League,
in the Organization of American States and in other regional institutions.
However, we are not bound slavishly to adhere to precedent nor blindly to
adopt any particular formula. We only urge, and We trust that this
suggestion will receive the unanimous support of all States represented
here, that a Special Committee be created to elaborate specific proposals
looking to the speedy creation of an Organization of African States. This
Committee should conclude its work and report to the forthcoming
meeting of the Conference of Independent African States in Tunisia.
| Principles |
We shall consider during this Conference certain matters which touch and
affect us most profoundly and deeply. We are all equally dedicated in our
opposition to the vicious principle of racial discrimination embodied in the
legal are all equally determined to take whatever measures are required to
obliterate from this earth this disgrace to humanity and insult to mankind.
We have all made this known on various occasions in the past. The time
is past when condemnation of this policy was enough: we must now
formulate and implement the measures which will give concrete effect to
our collective determination.
Similarly, ways and means must be found of speeding the day when our
oppressed fellow-Africans will join us in these halls as free men, for so
long as one African lives in subjugation none of us is more than half free.
The events of the past three years give us cause for rejoicing and
renewing our strength and courage. Let us not leave the job half-done.
Kenya, Uganda adn Ruanda-Urundi, whose observers are seated in this
assemblage, will soon be with us. Let them not be the last to join our
ranks.
In the Congo, to which We have already referred, we have witnessed the
sorry spectacle of special interests flouting the decisions of the United
Naations and resisting, at the risk of civil war and at the cost of innocent
lives and the destruction of valuable property, sane and reasoned efforts to
restore peace and order to the Congolese people. Foreign mercenaries
have reinforced these interests, and arms and ammuunition have found
their way, seemingly by sorcery, into rebellious hands. We call for a halt
to these activities; We insist that the illicit traffic in munitions which has
delayed and obstructed a peaceful resolution of the Congo situation be
ended, and that all measures to this end be taken by all concerned.
Ethiopia is justifiably proud of the role which We have played and
continue to play in the Congo, a role wholly consistent with the staunch
support which Our nation has unfailingly given to international
organizations dedicated to the cause of peace and collective security
throughout past decades. If history is to judge Us, We would ask only
that it judge on the basis of Ethiopia's record of resistance to colonialism,
oppression and aggression, from the date when Ethiopian patriots repulsed
the Italian invaders at Adoua (Adawa) in 1896 and then in 1935 and
thereafter. We have responded to the appeals of the United Nations for
assistance in the Congo, and We have supported the United Nations Congo
policies because experience, reason and instinct have all combined to
persuade Us beyond peradventure that only in this way can a peaceful and
permanent solution to the vexatious problems which exist there be settled.
A successful conclusion of the Congo difficulties through the intermediary
of the United Nations will immeasurably strengthen that institution and
enlarge and maximize its usefulness as a force for the preservation of
peace, the liberation of the still subjugated peoples of the world, and the
advancement of mankind. Today, We believe that the end of the Congo's
troubles is in sight. We welcome to this Conference the representative of
the Central Congo Government of Mr. Cyrille Adoula. We urge that the
efforts of all Africans be redoubled in order that the territorial integrity of
the Congo may be preserved and guaranteed and that moderate leadership
in the Congo may be enabled to lead the Congolese people forward in
peace and prosperity.
affect us most profoundly and deeply. We are all equally dedicated in our
opposition to the vicious principle of racial discrimination embodied in the
legal are all equally determined to take whatever measures are required to
obliterate from this earth this disgrace to humanity and insult to mankind.
We have all made this known on various occasions in the past. The time
is past when condemnation of this policy was enough: we must now
formulate and implement the measures which will give concrete effect to
our collective determination.
Similarly, ways and means must be found of speeding the day when our
oppressed fellow-Africans will join us in these halls as free men, for so
long as one African lives in subjugation none of us is more than half free.
The events of the past three years give us cause for rejoicing and
renewing our strength and courage. Let us not leave the job half-done.
Kenya, Uganda adn Ruanda-Urundi, whose observers are seated in this
assemblage, will soon be with us. Let them not be the last to join our
ranks.
In the Congo, to which We have already referred, we have witnessed the
sorry spectacle of special interests flouting the decisions of the United
Naations and resisting, at the risk of civil war and at the cost of innocent
lives and the destruction of valuable property, sane and reasoned efforts to
restore peace and order to the Congolese people. Foreign mercenaries
have reinforced these interests, and arms and ammuunition have found
their way, seemingly by sorcery, into rebellious hands. We call for a halt
to these activities; We insist that the illicit traffic in munitions which has
delayed and obstructed a peaceful resolution of the Congo situation be
ended, and that all measures to this end be taken by all concerned.
Ethiopia is justifiably proud of the role which We have played and
continue to play in the Congo, a role wholly consistent with the staunch
support which Our nation has unfailingly given to international
organizations dedicated to the cause of peace and collective security
throughout past decades. If history is to judge Us, We would ask only
that it judge on the basis of Ethiopia's record of resistance to colonialism,
oppression and aggression, from the date when Ethiopian patriots repulsed
the Italian invaders at Adoua (Adawa) in 1896 and then in 1935 and
thereafter. We have responded to the appeals of the United Nations for
assistance in the Congo, and We have supported the United Nations Congo
policies because experience, reason and instinct have all combined to
persuade Us beyond peradventure that only in this way can a peaceful and
permanent solution to the vexatious problems which exist there be settled.
A successful conclusion of the Congo difficulties through the intermediary
of the United Nations will immeasurably strengthen that institution and
enlarge and maximize its usefulness as a force for the preservation of
peace, the liberation of the still subjugated peoples of the world, and the
advancement of mankind. Today, We believe that the end of the Congo's
troubles is in sight. We welcome to this Conference the representative of
the Central Congo Government of Mr. Cyrille Adoula. We urge that the
efforts of all Africans be redoubled in order that the territorial integrity of
the Congo may be preserved and guaranteed and that moderate leadership
in the Congo may be enabled to lead the Congolese people forward in
peace and prosperity.
| Other Issue |
Disarmament and the banning of nuclear tests remain as problems
affecting all of mankind, Africans not excepted. The means to directly
secure these objectives are not in our hands, but this in no way lessens our
duty to our fellowmen and to posterity to labour without stint that they
may be achieved during our lifetime. Ethiopia has, as a matter or principle
and not of partisanship, condemned the resumption of nuclear testing. We
have, as a matter of principle and not of partisanship, called for a
permanent ban of nuclear tests. We have done so in the conviction that no
nation today, no matter how large or powerful, no matter how persuasive
its arguments, can justify the employment of measures which threaten to
visit such calamitous consequences alike upon the guilty and innocent, the
young, the old, and the unborn. In March, the Eighteen - Nation
Disarmament Committee will convene in Geneva. Let us marshal our
influence, and by all means at our disposal seek to assure that this meeting
does not end in failure and frustration, in disaster and despair, as have too
many held before it.
We must also refer to Algeria, where blood continued to flow as a few
extemists, heedless of the sorrow and suffering which they cause, and in
reckless disregard of the truism that force and violence beget only force
and violence, continue to thwart the determined efforts of more moderate
and rational men to grope their way to the peaceful attainment of the
precious gift of liberty by the Algerian people. Our deliberations here must
be directed to speeding the day when men and women may walk in
freedom and tranquillity in Algeria.
affecting all of mankind, Africans not excepted. The means to directly
secure these objectives are not in our hands, but this in no way lessens our
duty to our fellowmen and to posterity to labour without stint that they
may be achieved during our lifetime. Ethiopia has, as a matter or principle
and not of partisanship, condemned the resumption of nuclear testing. We
have, as a matter of principle and not of partisanship, called for a
permanent ban of nuclear tests. We have done so in the conviction that no
nation today, no matter how large or powerful, no matter how persuasive
its arguments, can justify the employment of measures which threaten to
visit such calamitous consequences alike upon the guilty and innocent, the
young, the old, and the unborn. In March, the Eighteen - Nation
Disarmament Committee will convene in Geneva. Let us marshal our
influence, and by all means at our disposal seek to assure that this meeting
does not end in failure and frustration, in disaster and despair, as have too
many held before it.
We must also refer to Algeria, where blood continued to flow as a few
extemists, heedless of the sorrow and suffering which they cause, and in
reckless disregard of the truism that force and violence beget only force
and violence, continue to thwart the determined efforts of more moderate
and rational men to grope their way to the peaceful attainment of the
precious gift of liberty by the Algerian people. Our deliberations here must
be directed to speeding the day when men and women may walk in
freedom and tranquillity in Algeria.
| Conclusion |
These last few years have been glorious ones for Africa. In a short span
in history, the yearnings and hopes of virtually an entire continent have
been realized. Celebration has followed celebration as Africans rejoiced in
their new-found and hard-won freedom.
Now this task is nearly completed. Ahead of us lie the hard, the difficult
years, years when we must grapple with new sets of problems and face
new hardships. There will be little festivity and few celebrations in these
years. Our task is now to prove ourselves worthy of the lot which we
have claimed as our own, capable of employing our talents and resources
in the cause of Africa and the African peoples. The way will be perilous,
sacrifices will be demanded of us, our labours may go unobserved and our
triumphs unnoticed except to ourselves. And, in the ultimate sense, this is
wholly as it should be, for we are men, and this is man's lot. Let us work
together, arm in arm as brothers, that our progeny may live in peace and
well-being, that posterity will honour our names and our achievements.
This will suffice. This will be our victory. May Almighty God grant it to
us.
in history, the yearnings and hopes of virtually an entire continent have
been realized. Celebration has followed celebration as Africans rejoiced in
their new-found and hard-won freedom.
Now this task is nearly completed. Ahead of us lie the hard, the difficult
years, years when we must grapple with new sets of problems and face
new hardships. There will be little festivity and few celebrations in these
years. Our task is now to prove ourselves worthy of the lot which we
have claimed as our own, capable of employing our talents and resources
in the cause of Africa and the African peoples. The way will be perilous,
sacrifices will be demanded of us, our labours may go unobserved and our
triumphs unnoticed except to ourselves. And, in the ultimate sense, this is
wholly as it should be, for we are men, and this is man's lot. Let us work
together, arm in arm as brothers, that our progeny may live in peace and
well-being, that posterity will honour our names and our achievements.
This will suffice. This will be our victory. May Almighty God grant it to
us.
| Haile Selassie the First - January 26, 1962 |
| Speech To The Lagos Summit Meeting Jan. 26, 1962 |
| ... We Africans desire to live in peace and friendship with all men, without regard to race, creed or other persuasion, and are prepared to co-operate with all who sincerely and honestly desire our well-being and advancement. We cannot, nonetheless, needlessly expose ourselves to the perils which the world power struggle carriers in its wake.. |
It is a great pleasure for Us to be here today and to address this
Conference, the holding of which is a most satisfying and significant event
for Africa. Of the twenty-eight African States which, in 1962, stand
proudly independent, sovereign nations, the great majority are represented
here by their Heads of State. This assembly is further enriched by the
presence of observers from a number of other African territories, several
of which will attain their freedom in the near future. To all of them, states
and territories alike, and to all Africans, We extend Our greetings.
At the same time, We must express Our regret that representatives of the
Algerian Provisional Government are not numbered in our midst, and that
their absence has caused a number of other nations whose representatives
should be seated in these halls to decline invitations extended to them. At
the Belgrade Conference of Non-Aligned States, We deplored the absence
of certain African States which Ethiopia felt should be among those
present. Today, again, We cannot help feeling that our tasks are made
more difficult because several African nations are unrepresented in these
halls. But however strongly We may feel on this issue, We feel even more
strongly that no African can escape the circumstances which have
brought us together in Lagos or evade his solemn duty to work with his
fellow-Africans for the cause of this great continent, and We pledge
Ourself to labour unstintingly in the discharge of this obligation during the
days ahead.
We wish to thank the sponsors of this Conference, the Government of the
Federation of Nigeria, a young nation itself only recently emerged from the
shadow of colonial rule which has already, by virtue of its manifest human
and material resources as well as the maturity and judgment demonstrated
by those who direct its government, taken its place among the leaders of
Africa. We personally are deeply grateful to the gracious people of Lagos
who have touched Our heart with the spontaneous and warm welcome
which they have extended to Us.
Conference, the holding of which is a most satisfying and significant event
for Africa. Of the twenty-eight African States which, in 1962, stand
proudly independent, sovereign nations, the great majority are represented
here by their Heads of State. This assembly is further enriched by the
presence of observers from a number of other African territories, several
of which will attain their freedom in the near future. To all of them, states
and territories alike, and to all Africans, We extend Our greetings.
At the same time, We must express Our regret that representatives of the
Algerian Provisional Government are not numbered in our midst, and that
their absence has caused a number of other nations whose representatives
should be seated in these halls to decline invitations extended to them. At
the Belgrade Conference of Non-Aligned States, We deplored the absence
of certain African States which Ethiopia felt should be among those
present. Today, again, We cannot help feeling that our tasks are made
more difficult because several African nations are unrepresented in these
halls. But however strongly We may feel on this issue, We feel even more
strongly that no African can escape the circumstances which have
brought us together in Lagos or evade his solemn duty to work with his
fellow-Africans for the cause of this great continent, and We pledge
Ourself to labour unstintingly in the discharge of this obligation during the
days ahead.
We wish to thank the sponsors of this Conference, the Government of the
Federation of Nigeria, a young nation itself only recently emerged from the
shadow of colonial rule which has already, by virtue of its manifest human
and material resources as well as the maturity and judgment demonstrated
by those who direct its government, taken its place among the leaders of
Africa. We personally are deeply grateful to the gracious people of Lagos
who have touched Our heart with the spontaneous and warm welcome
which they have extended to Us.
| A Challenge |
We meet today at the Summit Conference of Africa. Never before have
so many Heads of African States assembled in one spot to consider
together common problems. Let us demonstrate to those who watch us
that in Lagos, in January of 1962, we meet at the right time and place and
on the right subject. We should all welcome this event; we should seek to
employ it to the maximum for our own good and for the good of all
mankind. It is vital to the future of the world and to the growth of
understanding and sympathy among men of good will that contacts at all
levels of the political structure be maintained, that world leaders meet face
to face, that those who carry the heavy burden of leading their peoples in
the path of progress and enlightenment leave no avenue unexplored in the
discharge of their God-given duties. This is the challenge which we, as
responsible African statesmen, face today.
We Africans are still in the process of becoming acquainted with one
another. Only three short years ago, there was no opportunity for more
than a handful of African leaders to come together, to exchange views, to
explore common problems and to seek accomodations and solutions to
them. The destinies of the vast majority of Africans then were still shaped
and controlled by others. But freedom has come to this continent, and
with it an ever-increasing influence for the free African nations. African
States are planing an ever larger role in international affairs. Our presence
in the United Nations has placed our views and problems squarely before
would observers. Our future is in our own hands and we are meeting here
now to consider what that future is to be.
so many Heads of African States assembled in one spot to consider
together common problems. Let us demonstrate to those who watch us
that in Lagos, in January of 1962, we meet at the right time and place and
on the right subject. We should all welcome this event; we should seek to
employ it to the maximum for our own good and for the good of all
mankind. It is vital to the future of the world and to the growth of
understanding and sympathy among men of good will that contacts at all
levels of the political structure be maintained, that world leaders meet face
to face, that those who carry the heavy burden of leading their peoples in
the path of progress and enlightenment leave no avenue unexplored in the
discharge of their God-given duties. This is the challenge which we, as
responsible African statesmen, face today.
We Africans are still in the process of becoming acquainted with one
another. Only three short years ago, there was no opportunity for more
than a handful of African leaders to come together, to exchange views, to
explore common problems and to seek accomodations and solutions to
them. The destinies of the vast majority of Africans then were still shaped
and controlled by others. But freedom has come to this continent, and
with it an ever-increasing influence for the free African nations. African
States are planing an ever larger role in international affairs. Our presence
in the United Nations has placed our views and problems squarely before
would observers. Our future is in our own hands and we are meeting here
now to consider what that future is to be.
| Not Divided |