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| Ba Beta Kristiyan Haile Selassie I |
| Chapter III |
| Selected Speeches |
But perhaps more important than the individual events of these months has
been the demonstrated vitality of the spirit of Africa, a vitality which has
permeated every aspect of intra-African relations and has, in the short
psace of fourteen monts, produced a basic and fundamental change in the
African scene. During the past year, We paid State Visits to nearly a
dozen African nations, and in the views which We exchanged with other
African leaders We encountered a sense of purpose, of dedication, of
vision, which, We are persuaded, found its genesis in the common
acceptance of the ideal of African unity, in the common response to the
unique challenge which modern African presents to each of us, in the
common crusade in which we are each enlisted.
It was in this spirit that Algeria and Morocco put aside their arms and
agreed to negotiate the settlement of their border dispute. It was this spirit
which motivated Ethiopia to call without pause or hesitation upon the
Organization of African Unity when violence erupted last February on the
common frontier with the neighbouring Republic of Somalia. It was to
this spirit that African nations have responded to calls for aid from their
brothers. It is this spirit which will sweep us forward to final, conclusive,
glorious victory in the struggle to overcome the obstacles which still
remain before us in the making of a united Africa.
It is in this, We believe, that the real triumph of Africa lies today.
Economic development may lag; difficulties may be encountered in
working out unanimously acceptable programmes and policies; temporary
dissentions may interfere with harmonious relations between individual
states. But so long as the spirit of Africa prevails and stirs within us, so
long as we continue to think and work and act within the African context
which we have created, imbued by the African atmosphere which
surrounds and pervades us. We are confident that the goals we seek shall
be attained.
been the demonstrated vitality of the spirit of Africa, a vitality which has
permeated every aspect of intra-African relations and has, in the short
psace of fourteen monts, produced a basic and fundamental change in the
African scene. During the past year, We paid State Visits to nearly a
dozen African nations, and in the views which We exchanged with other
African leaders We encountered a sense of purpose, of dedication, of
vision, which, We are persuaded, found its genesis in the common
acceptance of the ideal of African unity, in the common response to the
unique challenge which modern African presents to each of us, in the
common crusade in which we are each enlisted.
It was in this spirit that Algeria and Morocco put aside their arms and
agreed to negotiate the settlement of their border dispute. It was this spirit
which motivated Ethiopia to call without pause or hesitation upon the
Organization of African Unity when violence erupted last February on the
common frontier with the neighbouring Republic of Somalia. It was to
this spirit that African nations have responded to calls for aid from their
brothers. It is this spirit which will sweep us forward to final, conclusive,
glorious victory in the struggle to overcome the obstacles which still
remain before us in the making of a united Africa.
It is in this, We believe, that the real triumph of Africa lies today.
Economic development may lag; difficulties may be encountered in
working out unanimously acceptable programmes and policies; temporary
dissentions may interfere with harmonious relations between individual
states. But so long as the spirit of Africa prevails and stirs within us, so
long as we continue to think and work and act within the African context
which we have created, imbued by the African atmosphere which
surrounds and pervades us. We are confident that the goals we seek shall
be attained.
| Our Child |
We have created spirit; it is our child. To bring it to its full potential We
must, firstly define with precision and clarity the programmes which will
advance us along the path we have chosen, whilst simultaneously avoiding
those dangers which could frustrate what has been so laboriously won.
And in order that these programmes be coherent and intelligible, they must
be founded upon painstakingly articulated principles and policies which
we, as African nations, must apply, not only in charting the future of the
Organization of African Unity, but in directing our own activities as
independent African states.
What do we seek for Africa? We seek to consolidate and guarantee our
own precious liberty as independent nations. We seek freedom for our
still dependent brothers. We seek Africa's economic growth and
development, the betterment of the way of life of Africans and all men.
We seek the closest collaboration with those others -- Asians, Europeans,
North and South Americans -- who share our desires and who are willing
to co-operate with us. We seek that self-sufficiency which will enable us
to play our rightful role in international affairs and live in full harmony with
all men. We seek to make our voices heard and our views heeded on the
major problems confronting the world today.
Our quest, above all else, is to assure to Africa and to each African state
the fullest and most complete measure of freedom -- freedom from all
remnants of colonialism; freedom from neo-colonialism, whatever form it
may take; freedom from political and military threat; freedom from
aggression; freedom from interference by others in our internal affairs;
freedom from economic domination; freedom from the danger of nuclear
destruction.
This is easy to state; how infinitely more difficult it is to achieve!
must, firstly define with precision and clarity the programmes which will
advance us along the path we have chosen, whilst simultaneously avoiding
those dangers which could frustrate what has been so laboriously won.
And in order that these programmes be coherent and intelligible, they must
be founded upon painstakingly articulated principles and policies which
we, as African nations, must apply, not only in charting the future of the
Organization of African Unity, but in directing our own activities as
independent African states.
What do we seek for Africa? We seek to consolidate and guarantee our
own precious liberty as independent nations. We seek freedom for our
still dependent brothers. We seek Africa's economic growth and
development, the betterment of the way of life of Africans and all men.
We seek the closest collaboration with those others -- Asians, Europeans,
North and South Americans -- who share our desires and who are willing
to co-operate with us. We seek that self-sufficiency which will enable us
to play our rightful role in international affairs and live in full harmony with
all men. We seek to make our voices heard and our views heeded on the
major problems confronting the world today.
Our quest, above all else, is to assure to Africa and to each African state
the fullest and most complete measure of freedom -- freedom from all
remnants of colonialism; freedom from neo-colonialism, whatever form it
may take; freedom from political and military threat; freedom from
aggression; freedom from interference by others in our internal affairs;
freedom from economic domination; freedom from the danger of nuclear
destruction.
This is easy to state; how infinitely more difficult it is to achieve!
| Heavy Task |
Admittedly the task is not an easy one. Immediate sacrifices are required.
Ethiopia's ties with Portugal stretch back to the 16th Century, and our
relations with the nation have always been amicable. It was not easy to
request the recall of the Portuguese Ambassador accredited to our Court,
but We did so. Had We not, We could not stand before you today and
declare that Ethiopia has done what principle and conscience and the blood
of our brothers in South Africa, in Angola, in Mozambque, required of us.
Similarly Ethiopia has recognized the Provisional Government in Exile
established under the leadership of H.E. Mr. Holden Roberto.
It may well be that even the united weight of the free nations of Africa is
inadequate to bring to their senses the governments of South Africa and
Portugal. Assistance is required -- and it will be welcome, if it comes
without conditions.
Let us bring the combined pressure of African influence to bear on those
other nations of the world to whom our friendship and goodwill are
meaningful, who claim adherence to the same principles of freedom and
independence for all men that we uphold, who affirm their support for or
struggle against oppression. Let us more effectively marshal our individual
and collective forces to use our influence, to exploit our position in various
international organs, to enlist their support in Africa's fight for freedom
and development. By combining our efforts with these others, freedom
can come earlier to our remaining dependent brothers. With their aid, we
can soon sweep the stigma of racial discrimination from Africa.
Let there be no mistake: the continued oppression of Africans on this
continent and the continued domination of our South African brothers
because of race constitute grave dangers which threaten the very
foundations of the unity we seek. We cannot rest while these twin evils
live on.
These are not the only danges which threaten us. Disputes between
African states themselves constitute potentially serious obstacles in our
path. Foremost among the causes of such disputes are those of the sort
which have exacerbated relations during the past year between Morocco
and Algeria as well as between Ethiopia and Kenya and Somalia.
Ethiopia's ties with Portugal stretch back to the 16th Century, and our
relations with the nation have always been amicable. It was not easy to
request the recall of the Portuguese Ambassador accredited to our Court,
but We did so. Had We not, We could not stand before you today and
declare that Ethiopia has done what principle and conscience and the blood
of our brothers in South Africa, in Angola, in Mozambque, required of us.
Similarly Ethiopia has recognized the Provisional Government in Exile
established under the leadership of H.E. Mr. Holden Roberto.
It may well be that even the united weight of the free nations of Africa is
inadequate to bring to their senses the governments of South Africa and
Portugal. Assistance is required -- and it will be welcome, if it comes
without conditions.
Let us bring the combined pressure of African influence to bear on those
other nations of the world to whom our friendship and goodwill are
meaningful, who claim adherence to the same principles of freedom and
independence for all men that we uphold, who affirm their support for or
struggle against oppression. Let us more effectively marshal our individual
and collective forces to use our influence, to exploit our position in various
international organs, to enlist their support in Africa's fight for freedom
and development. By combining our efforts with these others, freedom
can come earlier to our remaining dependent brothers. With their aid, we
can soon sweep the stigma of racial discrimination from Africa.
Let there be no mistake: the continued oppression of Africans on this
continent and the continued domination of our South African brothers
because of race constitute grave dangers which threaten the very
foundations of the unity we seek. We cannot rest while these twin evils
live on.
These are not the only danges which threaten us. Disputes between
African states themselves constitute potentially serious obstacles in our
path. Foremost among the causes of such disputes are those of the sort
which have exacerbated relations during the past year between Morocco
and Algeria as well as between Ethiopia and Kenya and Somalia.
| Neo-Colonialism |
Neo-colonialism today takes two forms: economic and political. We
recognize that economic dominance is not only often the more difficult to
eliminate, but often serves as the entering wedge for political domination.
We futher recognize that, given the history of our continent, and the
conditions under which we came to freedom, it is not unusual that, despite
our best efforts, the economic independence which we seek is long and
difficult in coming. Long-established patterns of trade are not easily or
quickly reoriented. Let us not delude ourselves in thinking that these facts,
for such they are, are of no significance for the future of Africa. But let
us, at this same time, toil with all our strength to alter them.
When we consider political neo-colonialism, our desires, although perhaps
no less difficult of attainment, are at least easier of articulation. We seek
to avoid a rigid and inflexible posture which prejudices our position on the
major issues before the world. We seek to avoid alignment, to achieve
true non-alignment. Our late good friend, H.E. Prime Minister Nehru of
India, put it thus: "The only camp we should like to be in is the camp of
peace and goodwill." At Belgrade, in September of 1961, We stated that
the essence of non-alignment was to be impartial, impartial to judge
actions and policies objectively, as we see them either contributing to or
detracting from the resolution of the world's problems, the preservation of
peace and the improvement of the general level of man's living conditions.
Those who righteously denounce one side on every major problem or
isssue while reserving nothing but praise for the other cannot claim to be
non-aligned, we may from one day to the next find ourselves now
opposing, now supporting, now voting against, first the East, next the
West. It is the worth of the policies themselves, We say, and not their
source or sponsor, which determines the position of one who is truly
non-aligned.
recognize that economic dominance is not only often the more difficult to
eliminate, but often serves as the entering wedge for political domination.
We futher recognize that, given the history of our continent, and the
conditions under which we came to freedom, it is not unusual that, despite
our best efforts, the economic independence which we seek is long and
difficult in coming. Long-established patterns of trade are not easily or
quickly reoriented. Let us not delude ourselves in thinking that these facts,
for such they are, are of no significance for the future of Africa. But let
us, at this same time, toil with all our strength to alter them.
When we consider political neo-colonialism, our desires, although perhaps
no less difficult of attainment, are at least easier of articulation. We seek
to avoid a rigid and inflexible posture which prejudices our position on the
major issues before the world. We seek to avoid alignment, to achieve
true non-alignment. Our late good friend, H.E. Prime Minister Nehru of
India, put it thus: "The only camp we should like to be in is the camp of
peace and goodwill." At Belgrade, in September of 1961, We stated that
the essence of non-alignment was to be impartial, impartial to judge
actions and policies objectively, as we see them either contributing to or
detracting from the resolution of the world's problems, the preservation of
peace and the improvement of the general level of man's living conditions.
Those who righteously denounce one side on every major problem or
isssue while reserving nothing but praise for the other cannot claim to be
non-aligned, we may from one day to the next find ourselves now
opposing, now supporting, now voting against, first the East, next the
West. It is the worth of the policies themselves, We say, and not their
source or sponsor, which determines the position of one who is truly
non-aligned.
| Inter-Africa |
| Accept Frontiers |
At Addis Ababa, enough was said to demonstrate beyond doubt that
Africans are virtually unanimous in their agreement that only by
acceptance of the frontiers bequeathed to them by the colonialists can
permanent peace reign on our continent. The principle of respect for the
territorial integrity of states is repeated in the OAU's Charter no less than
three times, and it is only for us to observe it as scrupulously as it
deserves. Ethiopia supports this view, although she herself suffered no
less than others from the depredations of the imperialists.
We must, however, go still further. The Charter has accurately and
adequately defined the principles to which we have pledged our adherence.
Africans, however, like all other peoples possess not only virtues but
weaknesses and it is perhaps inevitable that differences will arise among us
from time to time. Just as Africa, as a single entity, and the several
African states individually toil for the peaceful settlement of disputes
among states, so must we ensure that disputes in Africa are settled
peacefully. If our continent is not free of internecine strife, how can we
hope to influence others whose disputes endanger the peace of the world?
In like manner, the Charter's signatories have declared their adherence to
the complementary principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of
other states and this principle, too, must be rigidly observed if conflict
between Africans are to be avoided. It is all too often under the guise of
territorial disputes and through the medium of subversive activity directed
against legitimate governments that the foreign influences which we seek
to bar from our continent endeavour to exerts their power and establish
for themselves a foothold from which to expand their activities. We must
guard against the insidious substitution of one form of dominance and rule
for another; we must be vigilant to inhibit the growth of what is called
"neo-colonialism."
Africans are virtually unanimous in their agreement that only by
acceptance of the frontiers bequeathed to them by the colonialists can
permanent peace reign on our continent. The principle of respect for the
territorial integrity of states is repeated in the OAU's Charter no less than
three times, and it is only for us to observe it as scrupulously as it
deserves. Ethiopia supports this view, although she herself suffered no
less than others from the depredations of the imperialists.
We must, however, go still further. The Charter has accurately and
adequately defined the principles to which we have pledged our adherence.
Africans, however, like all other peoples possess not only virtues but
weaknesses and it is perhaps inevitable that differences will arise among us
from time to time. Just as Africa, as a single entity, and the several
African states individually toil for the peaceful settlement of disputes
among states, so must we ensure that disputes in Africa are settled
peacefully. If our continent is not free of internecine strife, how can we
hope to influence others whose disputes endanger the peace of the world?
In like manner, the Charter's signatories have declared their adherence to
the complementary principle of non-interference in the internal affairs of
other states and this principle, too, must be rigidly observed if conflict
between Africans are to be avoided. It is all too often under the guise of
territorial disputes and through the medium of subversive activity directed
against legitimate governments that the foreign influences which we seek
to bar from our continent endeavour to exerts their power and establish
for themselves a foothold from which to expand their activities. We must
guard against the insidious substitution of one form of dominance and rule
for another; we must be vigilant to inhibit the growth of what is called
"neo-colonialism."
| Haile Selassie the First - July 21, 1964 |
| Organization Of African Unity Summit (O.A.U.), Cairo Jul. 21, 1964 |
| ... So long as the spirit of Africa prevails and stirs within us, so long as we continue to think and work and act within the African context which we have created, imbued by the African atmosphere which surrounds and pervades us, We are confident that the goals we seek shall be attained...... |
Dear Friends:
We meet again, at the Summit of Africa. Once more, Africa's leaders
have convened to consider in concert the past accomplishments, the
present problems and the future goals of their mother continent. Today,
the eyes of the world are directed anew to a distinguished gathering of
African statemen and leaders.
At Addis Ababa, just fourteen months ago, the first Conference of the
Heads of African State and Government was held. Today, the Assembly
of Heads of State and Government created by the Charter of African Unity
which we signed in Addis Ababa meets in Cairo, the ancient capital of
ancient Egypt, with long-established civilization, and it is Our privilege
now to extend to Our host, President Gamal Abdel Nasser, the warm
greetings of the Ethiopian Government and people and to express to him
Our thanks for the gracious and generous hospitality which has been
extended to us all in this illustrious country. Ethiopia and other East
African countries are linked with the United Arab Republic not only by
history but also by the life-giving waters of the Blue Nile which springs in
Ethiopia and in Lake Victoria annually flooding the great Nile Delta.
We also extend greetings today to our African brothers in those nations
which join us here for the first time -- Kenya and Malawi -- states which
have at long last taken their rightful places in the councils of free Africans
and to their valiant leaders H.E. Prime Minister Jomo Kenyatta and H.E.
Prime Minister Hastings Banda. We rejoice at their presence in this hall,
and we see in their addition to our rank a portent of hope and confidence
for the future of those who remain yet unrepresented in our midst.
The agenda before us is long. Each of its topics deserves our most
thoughtful and careful attention. We pray that our deliberations will be
characterized by the same spirit of oneness, the same inspiration, the same
courage and determination, which marked our meeting at Addis Ababa. If
we will, it can be so.
The achievements of the months since May of 1963 stand, as well, as a
favourable augury for the long road which still remains to be travelled to
our stated goal of African Unity. The Organization of African Unity is
today a solid and tangible achievement. The Charter itself has been ratified
by thirty-three African States, and it was our signal privilege personally to
deposit it with the United Nations Organization in October of last year.
The O.A.U.'s Council of Ministers has met not once, but several times
during the last year in seeking the solution to immediate and pressing
African problems. A sturdy framework has been provided for closer
co-ordination of national policies and programmes in a variety of domains
-- defence, economic and social co-operation, developmental assistance --
these and many more have received added impetus from the work
accomplished by the Provisional Secretariat and the decisions taken at the
meetings of the several Commissions created by the Charter of African
Unity.
We meet again, at the Summit of Africa. Once more, Africa's leaders
have convened to consider in concert the past accomplishments, the
present problems and the future goals of their mother continent. Today,
the eyes of the world are directed anew to a distinguished gathering of
African statemen and leaders.
At Addis Ababa, just fourteen months ago, the first Conference of the
Heads of African State and Government was held. Today, the Assembly
of Heads of State and Government created by the Charter of African Unity
which we signed in Addis Ababa meets in Cairo, the ancient capital of
ancient Egypt, with long-established civilization, and it is Our privilege
now to extend to Our host, President Gamal Abdel Nasser, the warm
greetings of the Ethiopian Government and people and to express to him
Our thanks for the gracious and generous hospitality which has been
extended to us all in this illustrious country. Ethiopia and other East
African countries are linked with the United Arab Republic not only by
history but also by the life-giving waters of the Blue Nile which springs in
Ethiopia and in Lake Victoria annually flooding the great Nile Delta.
We also extend greetings today to our African brothers in those nations
which join us here for the first time -- Kenya and Malawi -- states which
have at long last taken their rightful places in the councils of free Africans
and to their valiant leaders H.E. Prime Minister Jomo Kenyatta and H.E.
Prime Minister Hastings Banda. We rejoice at their presence in this hall,
and we see in their addition to our rank a portent of hope and confidence
for the future of those who remain yet unrepresented in our midst.
The agenda before us is long. Each of its topics deserves our most
thoughtful and careful attention. We pray that our deliberations will be
characterized by the same spirit of oneness, the same inspiration, the same
courage and determination, which marked our meeting at Addis Ababa. If
we will, it can be so.
The achievements of the months since May of 1963 stand, as well, as a
favourable augury for the long road which still remains to be travelled to
our stated goal of African Unity. The Organization of African Unity is
today a solid and tangible achievement. The Charter itself has been ratified
by thirty-three African States, and it was our signal privilege personally to
deposit it with the United Nations Organization in October of last year.
The O.A.U.'s Council of Ministers has met not once, but several times
during the last year in seeking the solution to immediate and pressing
African problems. A sturdy framework has been provided for closer
co-ordination of national policies and programmes in a variety of domains
-- defence, economic and social co-operation, developmental assistance --
these and many more have received added impetus from the work
accomplished by the Provisional Secretariat and the decisions taken at the
meetings of the several Commissions created by the Charter of African
Unity.
| Spiritual Vitality |
| Find Solutions |
We are convinced that it is in our search for African unity that we shall
discover the solutions to the vexing problems which confront us. We
have taken upon oursleves the liberation of the remaining dependent
territories of the African continent such as Angola, Mozambique and
Southern Rhodesia and the elimination of apartheid. This battle most and
shall be won; but if our victory is to be real and not ephermeral, it is we
African who must achieve it. We can accept assistance from those who
seek the same ends only if the other precious freedoms which we equally
cherish are not thereby prejudiced.
In our struggle to eliminate from the African continent the ugly sore of
apartheid, so repugnant and loathsome to us Africans, unhappily, all too
little progress has been recorded. Much has been said and written in
condemnation of this most ignoble and inhuman form of the abasement by
man of his fellows, each one of us here has roundly and unequivocally
condemned this evil. But what have these words accomplished? To what
results have our condemations led? Of what effect have been our attacks,
our criticisms?
If we are truthful with ourselves, we must admit that there yet remains far
to go in eliminating racial discrimination from our continent. We must,
first of all, look to our own efforts. We have declared that all economic
ties with South Africa must be terminated. Have we done so? We have
declared that diplomatic relations with Portugal must be severed. Do
Portugese envoys still grace African capitals? In both of these areas, have
we acted in unity?
Since this is fundamentally a human question, we can take heart in the fact
that at our side in our struggle against apartheid are ranged the vast
majority of human race. But to justify their support we must ourselves
scrupulously and militantly enforce the measures which we have agreed
upon. It is not the strength or the power or the determination of those
who oppose us that will delay success in this battle, but only the weakness
of our unity.
discover the solutions to the vexing problems which confront us. We
have taken upon oursleves the liberation of the remaining dependent
territories of the African continent such as Angola, Mozambique and
Southern Rhodesia and the elimination of apartheid. This battle most and
shall be won; but if our victory is to be real and not ephermeral, it is we
African who must achieve it. We can accept assistance from those who
seek the same ends only if the other precious freedoms which we equally
cherish are not thereby prejudiced.
In our struggle to eliminate from the African continent the ugly sore of
apartheid, so repugnant and loathsome to us Africans, unhappily, all too
little progress has been recorded. Much has been said and written in
condemnation of this most ignoble and inhuman form of the abasement by
man of his fellows, each one of us here has roundly and unequivocally
condemned this evil. But what have these words accomplished? To what
results have our condemations led? Of what effect have been our attacks,
our criticisms?
If we are truthful with ourselves, we must admit that there yet remains far
to go in eliminating racial discrimination from our continent. We must,
first of all, look to our own efforts. We have declared that all economic
ties with South Africa must be terminated. Have we done so? We have
declared that diplomatic relations with Portugal must be severed. Do
Portugese envoys still grace African capitals? In both of these areas, have
we acted in unity?
Since this is fundamentally a human question, we can take heart in the fact
that at our side in our struggle against apartheid are ranged the vast
majority of human race. But to justify their support we must ourselves
scrupulously and militantly enforce the measures which we have agreed
upon. It is not the strength or the power or the determination of those
who oppose us that will delay success in this battle, but only the weakness
of our unity.
| Non-Alignment |
We repeat that non-alignment is in no way anti-Eastern or anti-Western,
any more than it is anti-Northern or anti-Southern. It is neither anti- nor
pro- in any absolute fashion. It is largely affirmative, not negative. It is
for peace and freedom. It is for a decent standard of living for all men. It
is for the right of the people of any nation to adopt that economic and
political system which the majority of them freely elect to follow. It is for
the right of men and nations freely to take their stand on the great issues
of the day, as their consciences and their sense of right and justice -- and
these alone -- dictate.
It should be clear, however, that as Africans embracing this principle we
are not choosing to form a third bloc, a supra-power which can only
speak with a single voice because it is controlled and dictated by a single
organ. What we seek to create is flexible, not inflexible; a moral force to
be used for world peace, for economic development, for the benefit of
humanity. We cannot impose our views by force. We have only the
power of moral persuasion. This is our strength -- and a great strength --
if we will but use it.
And, finally, there exists today, not for Africa alone but for all mankind,
the danger of the extinction of the human race by nuclear holocaust. We
have supported it in the past, and We reiterate now, that Africa must be
declared a denuclearized zone. We urge again that efforts to achieve a
progressive disarmament be redoubled. The limited nuclear test ban treaty
constitutes a step in this direction, but it should be but the first of many.
Our united efforts must be exerted to this end.
any more than it is anti-Northern or anti-Southern. It is neither anti- nor
pro- in any absolute fashion. It is largely affirmative, not negative. It is
for peace and freedom. It is for a decent standard of living for all men. It
is for the right of the people of any nation to adopt that economic and
political system which the majority of them freely elect to follow. It is for
the right of men and nations freely to take their stand on the great issues
of the day, as their consciences and their sense of right and justice -- and
these alone -- dictate.
It should be clear, however, that as Africans embracing this principle we
are not choosing to form a third bloc, a supra-power which can only
speak with a single voice because it is controlled and dictated by a single
organ. What we seek to create is flexible, not inflexible; a moral force to
be used for world peace, for economic development, for the benefit of
humanity. We cannot impose our views by force. We have only the
power of moral persuasion. This is our strength -- and a great strength --
if we will but use it.
And, finally, there exists today, not for Africa alone but for all mankind,
the danger of the extinction of the human race by nuclear holocaust. We
have supported it in the past, and We reiterate now, that Africa must be
declared a denuclearized zone. We urge again that efforts to achieve a
progressive disarmament be redoubled. The limited nuclear test ban treaty
constitutes a step in this direction, but it should be but the first of many.
Our united efforts must be exerted to this end.
| Some Objectives |
What must we do to transform our aspirations into reality, to overcome
the dangers to which We have referred, to advance to the destiny we have
marked out for ourselves: We have spoken in the past of some of the
concrete measures to be taken. The creation of a permanent machinery to
settle intra-African disputes is one such. We must take up where the
colonialists left off in transforming the social and economic patterns of our
nations. In order to decrease our economic dependence on the developed
nations, trade among Africa's nations must be expanded. Transportation
and communication facilities among us must be expanded and improved.
A unified African Development Programme which utilizes to the fullest the
individual resources of the individual African states must be prepared and
implemented. Techniques must be found and employed for the most
efficient and economic use of our resources and financial means. In all of
this, we can profit from the example of both the East and West.
Is this enough? Let Us only say that if even a partial measure of these
programmes can be agreed upon here, our presence in Cairo today will
have been more than justified.
We would, however, add these last requirements! What is needed, above
all, is patience which accepts delays while striving to overcome them and
tolerance which comprehends our weaknesses, our selfish ambitions, and
our narrow self -- interest, while seeking to strengthen our will and stiffen
our moral fibre and devotion to principle and international morality: which
can alone arm and shield and support us in the daily strife which is our
fate as we toil to better the lot of Africa and all men everywhere. Unless
we find the requiste courage and fixity of purpose to rise above our petty
selves; we shall be broken on the wheel of our own invention, slaves or
our own despotism. The sprite of Africa, which surrounds our
deliberations here, is deserving of the greatness which Africa demands of
it. Let us prove ourselves worthy of it.
the dangers to which We have referred, to advance to the destiny we have
marked out for ourselves: We have spoken in the past of some of the
concrete measures to be taken. The creation of a permanent machinery to
settle intra-African disputes is one such. We must take up where the
colonialists left off in transforming the social and economic patterns of our
nations. In order to decrease our economic dependence on the developed
nations, trade among Africa's nations must be expanded. Transportation
and communication facilities among us must be expanded and improved.
A unified African Development Programme which utilizes to the fullest the
individual resources of the individual African states must be prepared and
implemented. Techniques must be found and employed for the most
efficient and economic use of our resources and financial means. In all of
this, we can profit from the example of both the East and West.
Is this enough? Let Us only say that if even a partial measure of these
programmes can be agreed upon here, our presence in Cairo today will
have been more than justified.
We would, however, add these last requirements! What is needed, above
all, is patience which accepts delays while striving to overcome them and
tolerance which comprehends our weaknesses, our selfish ambitions, and
our narrow self -- interest, while seeking to strengthen our will and stiffen
our moral fibre and devotion to principle and international morality: which
can alone arm and shield and support us in the daily strife which is our
fate as we toil to better the lot of Africa and all men everywhere. Unless
we find the requiste courage and fixity of purpose to rise above our petty
selves; we shall be broken on the wheel of our own invention, slaves or
our own despotism. The sprite of Africa, which surrounds our
deliberations here, is deserving of the greatness which Africa demands of
it. Let us prove ourselves worthy of it.