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| Selected Speeches |
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| Ba Beta Kristiyan Haile Selassie I |
| Chapter III |
| Selected Speeches |
The events of the past hundred and fifty years require no extended
recitation from Us. The period of colonialism into which we were plunged
culminated with our continent fettered and bound; with our once proud
and free peoples reduced to humiliation and slavery; with Africa's terrain
cross-hatched and checker-boarded by artificial and arbitrary boundaries.
Many of us, during those bitter years, were overwhelmed in battle, and
those who escaped conquest did so at the cost of desparate resistance and
bloodshed. Others were sold into boundage as the price extracted by the
colonialists for the "protection" which they extended and the possessions
of which they disposed. Africa was a physical resource to be exploited
and Africans were chattels to be purchased bodily or, at best, peoples to
be reduced to vassalage adn lackeyhood. Africa was the market for the
produce of other nations and the source of the raw materials with which
their factories were fed.
Today, Africa has emerged from this dark passage. Our Armageddon is
past. Africa has been reborn as a free continent and Africans have been
reborn as free men. The blood that was shed and the sufferings that were
endured are today Africa's advocates for freedom and unity. Those men
who refused to accept the judgement passed upon them by the colonizers,
who held unswervingly through the darkest hours to a vision of an Africa
emancipated from political, economic, and spiritual domination will be
remembered and revered wherever Africans meet. Many of them never
set foot on this continent. Others were born, and died here. What we
may utter today can add little to the heroic struggle of those who, by their
example, have shown us how precious are freedome and human dignity
and of how little value is life without them. Their deeds are written in
history.
recitation from Us. The period of colonialism into which we were plunged
culminated with our continent fettered and bound; with our once proud
and free peoples reduced to humiliation and slavery; with Africa's terrain
cross-hatched and checker-boarded by artificial and arbitrary boundaries.
Many of us, during those bitter years, were overwhelmed in battle, and
those who escaped conquest did so at the cost of desparate resistance and
bloodshed. Others were sold into boundage as the price extracted by the
colonialists for the "protection" which they extended and the possessions
of which they disposed. Africa was a physical resource to be exploited
and Africans were chattels to be purchased bodily or, at best, peoples to
be reduced to vassalage adn lackeyhood. Africa was the market for the
produce of other nations and the source of the raw materials with which
their factories were fed.
Today, Africa has emerged from this dark passage. Our Armageddon is
past. Africa has been reborn as a free continent and Africans have been
reborn as free men. The blood that was shed and the sufferings that were
endured are today Africa's advocates for freedom and unity. Those men
who refused to accept the judgement passed upon them by the colonizers,
who held unswervingly through the darkest hours to a vision of an Africa
emancipated from political, economic, and spiritual domination will be
remembered and revered wherever Africans meet. Many of them never
set foot on this continent. Others were born, and died here. What we
may utter today can add little to the heroic struggle of those who, by their
example, have shown us how precious are freedome and human dignity
and of how little value is life without them. Their deeds are written in
history.
| Supreme Effort |
Africa's victory, although proclaimed, is not yet total, and areas of
resistance still remain. Today, We name as our first great task the final
liberating of those Africans still dominated by foreign exploitation and
control. With the goal in sight, and unqualified triumph within our grasp,
lest us not now falter or lag or relax. We must make one final supreme
effort; now, when the struggle grows, weary when so much has been
won that the thrilling sense of achievement has brought us near satiation.
Our liberty is meaningless unless all Africans are free. Our brothers in the
Rhodesias, in Mozambique, in Angola in South Africa cry out in anguish
for our support and assistance. We must urge on their behalf their
peaceful accession to independence. We must align and identify ourselves
with all aspects of their struggle. It would be betrayal were we to pay
only lip service to the cause of their liberation and fail to back our words
with action. To them we say, your pleas shall not go unheeded. The
resources of Africa and of all freedom-loving nations are marshalled in
your service. Be of good heart, for your deliverance is at hand.
As we renew our vow that all of Africa shall be free, let us also resolve
that old wounds shall be healed and past scars forgotten. It was thus that
Ethiopia treated the invader nearly twenty-five years ago, and Ethiopians
found peace with honour in this course. Memories of past unjustice
should not divert us from the more pressing business at hand. We must
live in peace with our former colonizers, shunning recrimination and
bitterness and forswearing the luxury of vengence and retaliation, lest the
acid of hatred erode our souls and poison our hearts. Let us act as befits
the dignity which we claim for ourselves as Africans, proud of our own
special qualities, distinctions and abilities. Our efforts as free men must be
to establish new relationships, devoid of any resentment and hostility,
restored to our belief and faith in ourselves as individuals, dealing on a
basis of equality with other equally free peoples.
resistance still remain. Today, We name as our first great task the final
liberating of those Africans still dominated by foreign exploitation and
control. With the goal in sight, and unqualified triumph within our grasp,
lest us not now falter or lag or relax. We must make one final supreme
effort; now, when the struggle grows, weary when so much has been
won that the thrilling sense of achievement has brought us near satiation.
Our liberty is meaningless unless all Africans are free. Our brothers in the
Rhodesias, in Mozambique, in Angola in South Africa cry out in anguish
for our support and assistance. We must urge on their behalf their
peaceful accession to independence. We must align and identify ourselves
with all aspects of their struggle. It would be betrayal were we to pay
only lip service to the cause of their liberation and fail to back our words
with action. To them we say, your pleas shall not go unheeded. The
resources of Africa and of all freedom-loving nations are marshalled in
your service. Be of good heart, for your deliverance is at hand.
As we renew our vow that all of Africa shall be free, let us also resolve
that old wounds shall be healed and past scars forgotten. It was thus that
Ethiopia treated the invader nearly twenty-five years ago, and Ethiopians
found peace with honour in this course. Memories of past unjustice
should not divert us from the more pressing business at hand. We must
live in peace with our former colonizers, shunning recrimination and
bitterness and forswearing the luxury of vengence and retaliation, lest the
acid of hatred erode our souls and poison our hearts. Let us act as befits
the dignity which we claim for ourselves as Africans, proud of our own
special qualities, distinctions and abilities. Our efforts as free men must be
to establish new relationships, devoid of any resentment and hostility,
restored to our belief and faith in ourselves as individuals, dealing on a
basis of equality with other equally free peoples.
| Development Bank |
| A World Force |
Africa has become an increasingly influential force in the conduct of world
affairs as the combined weight of our collective opinion is brought to
focus not only on matters which concern this continent exclusively, but
on those pressing problems which occupy the thoughts of all men
everywhere. As we have come to know one another better and grown in
mutual trust and confidence, it has been possible for usto co-ordinate our
policies and actions and contribute to the successful settlement of pressing
and critical world issues.
This has not been easy. But co-ordinated action by all African States on
common problems is imperative if our opinions are to be accorded their
proper weight. We Africans occupy a differenct -- indeed a unique --
position among the nations of this Century. Having for so long known
oppression, tyranny and subjugation, who, with better right, can claim for
all the opportunity and the right to live and grow free men? Ourselves for
long decades the victims of injustice, whose voices can be better raised in
the demand for justice and right for all? We demand an end to colonialism
because domination of one people by another is wrong. We demand an
end to nuclear testing ad the arms race because these activities, which
pose such dreadful threats to man's existence and waste and squander
humanity's material heritage, are wrong. We demand an end to racial
segregation as an affront to man's dignity which is wrong. We act in
these matters in the right, as a matter of high principle. We act out of the
integrity and conviction of our most deep-founded beliefs.
If we permit ourselves to be tempted by narrow self-interest and vain
ambition, if we barter our beliefs for short-term advantage, who will listen
when we claim to speak for conscience, and who will contend that or
words deserve to be heeded? We must speak out on major world issues,
courageously, openly and honestly, and in blunt terms of right and wrong.
If we yield to blandishments or threats, if we compromise when no
honourable compromise is possible, our influence will be sadly dminished
and or prestige woefully prejudiced and weakened. Let us not deny our
ideals or sacrifice our right to stand as the champions of the poor, the
ignorant, the oppressed everywhere. The acts by which we live and the
attitudes by which we act must be clear beyond question. Principles alone
can endow our deeds with force and meaning. Let us be true to what we
believe, that our beliefs may serve and honour us.
affairs as the combined weight of our collective opinion is brought to
focus not only on matters which concern this continent exclusively, but
on those pressing problems which occupy the thoughts of all men
everywhere. As we have come to know one another better and grown in
mutual trust and confidence, it has been possible for usto co-ordinate our
policies and actions and contribute to the successful settlement of pressing
and critical world issues.
This has not been easy. But co-ordinated action by all African States on
common problems is imperative if our opinions are to be accorded their
proper weight. We Africans occupy a differenct -- indeed a unique --
position among the nations of this Century. Having for so long known
oppression, tyranny and subjugation, who, with better right, can claim for
all the opportunity and the right to live and grow free men? Ourselves for
long decades the victims of injustice, whose voices can be better raised in
the demand for justice and right for all? We demand an end to colonialism
because domination of one people by another is wrong. We demand an
end to nuclear testing ad the arms race because these activities, which
pose such dreadful threats to man's existence and waste and squander
humanity's material heritage, are wrong. We demand an end to racial
segregation as an affront to man's dignity which is wrong. We act in
these matters in the right, as a matter of high principle. We act out of the
integrity and conviction of our most deep-founded beliefs.
If we permit ourselves to be tempted by narrow self-interest and vain
ambition, if we barter our beliefs for short-term advantage, who will listen
when we claim to speak for conscience, and who will contend that or
words deserve to be heeded? We must speak out on major world issues,
courageously, openly and honestly, and in blunt terms of right and wrong.
If we yield to blandishments or threats, if we compromise when no
honourable compromise is possible, our influence will be sadly dminished
and or prestige woefully prejudiced and weakened. Let us not deny our
ideals or sacrifice our right to stand as the champions of the poor, the
ignorant, the oppressed everywhere. The acts by which we live and the
attitudes by which we act must be clear beyond question. Principles alone
can endow our deeds with force and meaning. Let us be true to what we
believe, that our beliefs may serve and honour us.
| Inter-Africa |
| Knowing Ourselves |
Africa has come to freedom under the most difficult and trying
circumstances. No small measure of the handicaps under which we
labour derive from the low educational level attained by our peoples and
from their lack of knowledge of their fellow Africans. Education abroad is
at best an unsatisfactory substitute for education at home. A massive
effort must be launched in the educational and cultural fields which will
not only raise the level of literacy and provide the cadres of skilled and
trained technicians requisite to our growth and development but, as well,
acquaint us one with another. Ethiopia, several years ago, instituted a
programme of scholarships for students coming from other African lands
which has proved highly rewarding and fruitful, and We urge others to
adopt projects of this sort. Serious consideration should be given to the
establishment of an African University, sponsored by all African States,
where future leaders of Africa will be trained in an atmosphere of
continental brotherhood. In this African institution, the supra-national
aspects of African life would emphasized and study would be directed
toward the ultimate goal of complete African unity. Ethiopia stands
prepared here and now to decide on the site of the University and to fix the
financial contributions to be made to it.
This is but the merest summary of what can be accomplished. Upon
these measures we are all agreed, and our agreement should now form the
basis for our action.
circumstances. No small measure of the handicaps under which we
labour derive from the low educational level attained by our peoples and
from their lack of knowledge of their fellow Africans. Education abroad is
at best an unsatisfactory substitute for education at home. A massive
effort must be launched in the educational and cultural fields which will
not only raise the level of literacy and provide the cadres of skilled and
trained technicians requisite to our growth and development but, as well,
acquaint us one with another. Ethiopia, several years ago, instituted a
programme of scholarships for students coming from other African lands
which has proved highly rewarding and fruitful, and We urge others to
adopt projects of this sort. Serious consideration should be given to the
establishment of an African University, sponsored by all African States,
where future leaders of Africa will be trained in an atmosphere of
continental brotherhood. In this African institution, the supra-national
aspects of African life would emphasized and study would be directed
toward the ultimate goal of complete African unity. Ethiopia stands
prepared here and now to decide on the site of the University and to fix the
financial contributions to be made to it.
This is but the merest summary of what can be accomplished. Upon
these measures we are all agreed, and our agreement should now form the
basis for our action.
| Prejudice Opposed |
We reaffirm today, in the name of principle and right, our opposition to
prejudice, wherever and in whatever form it may be found, and
particularly do we rededicate ourselves to the eradication of racial
discrimination from this continent. We can never rest content with our
achievements so long as men, in any part of Africa, assert on racial
grounds their superiority over the least of our brothers. Racial
discrimination constitutes a negation of the spiritual and psychological
equality which we have fought to achieve and denial of the personality and
dignity which we have struggled to establish for ourselves as Africans.
Our political and economic liberty will be devoid of meaning for so long as
the degrading spectacle of South Africa's apartheid continues to haunt our
waking hours and to trouble our sleep. We must redouble our efforts to
banish this evil form our land. If we persevere, discrimination will one
day vanish form the earth. If we use the means available to us, South
Africa's apartheid, just as colonialism, will shortly remain only as a
memory. If we pool our resources and use them well, this spectre will be
banished forever.
In this effort, as in so many others, we stand united with our Asian friends
and brothers. Africa shares with Asia a common background of
colonialism, of exploitation, of discrimination, of oppression. At Bandung,
African and Asian States dedicated themselves to the liberation of their two
continents from foreign domination and affirmed the right of all nations to
develop in their own way, free of any external interference. The Bandung
Declaration and the principles enunciated at that Conference remain today
valid for us all. We hope that the leaders of India and China, in the spirit
of Bandung, will find the way to the peaceful resolution of the dispute
between their two countries.
prejudice, wherever and in whatever form it may be found, and
particularly do we rededicate ourselves to the eradication of racial
discrimination from this continent. We can never rest content with our
achievements so long as men, in any part of Africa, assert on racial
grounds their superiority over the least of our brothers. Racial
discrimination constitutes a negation of the spiritual and psychological
equality which we have fought to achieve and denial of the personality and
dignity which we have struggled to establish for ourselves as Africans.
Our political and economic liberty will be devoid of meaning for so long as
the degrading spectacle of South Africa's apartheid continues to haunt our
waking hours and to trouble our sleep. We must redouble our efforts to
banish this evil form our land. If we persevere, discrimination will one
day vanish form the earth. If we use the means available to us, South
Africa's apartheid, just as colonialism, will shortly remain only as a
memory. If we pool our resources and use them well, this spectre will be
banished forever.
In this effort, as in so many others, we stand united with our Asian friends
and brothers. Africa shares with Asia a common background of
colonialism, of exploitation, of discrimination, of oppression. At Bandung,
African and Asian States dedicated themselves to the liberation of their two
continents from foreign domination and affirmed the right of all nations to
develop in their own way, free of any external interference. The Bandung
Declaration and the principles enunciated at that Conference remain today
valid for us all. We hope that the leaders of India and China, in the spirit
of Bandung, will find the way to the peaceful resolution of the dispute
between their two countries.
| History's Dictum |
A century hence, when future generations study the pages of history,
seeking to follow and fathom the growth and development of the African
continent, what will they find of this Conference? Will it be remembered
as an occaision on which the leaders of a liberated Africa, acting boldly
and with determination, bent events to their will and shaped the future
destinies of the African peoples? Will this meeting be memorialized for its
solid achievements, for the intelligence and maturity which marked the
decisions taken here? Or will it be recalled for its failures, for the inability
of Africa's leaders to transcend local prejudices and individual differences,
for the disappointment and disillusionment which followed in its train?
These questions give us all pause. The answers are within our power to
dictate. The challenges and opportunities which open before us today are
greater than those presented at any time in Africa's millennia of history.
The risks and the dangers which confront us are no less great. The
immense responsibilities which history and circumstance have thrust upon
us demand balanced and sober reflection. If we succeed in the tasks
which lie before us, our names will be remembered and our deeds recalled
by those who follow us. If we fail, history will puzzle at our failure and
mourn what was lost. We approach the days ahead with the prayer that
we who have assembled here may be granted the wisdom, the judgment
and the inspiration which will enable us to maintain our faith with the
peoples and the nations which have entrusted their fate to our hands.
seeking to follow and fathom the growth and development of the African
continent, what will they find of this Conference? Will it be remembered
as an occaision on which the leaders of a liberated Africa, acting boldly
and with determination, bent events to their will and shaped the future
destinies of the African peoples? Will this meeting be memorialized for its
solid achievements, for the intelligence and maturity which marked the
decisions taken here? Or will it be recalled for its failures, for the inability
of Africa's leaders to transcend local prejudices and individual differences,
for the disappointment and disillusionment which followed in its train?
These questions give us all pause. The answers are within our power to
dictate. The challenges and opportunities which open before us today are
greater than those presented at any time in Africa's millennia of history.
The risks and the dangers which confront us are no less great. The
immense responsibilities which history and circumstance have thrust upon
us demand balanced and sober reflection. If we succeed in the tasks
which lie before us, our names will be remembered and our deeds recalled
by those who follow us. If we fail, history will puzzle at our failure and
mourn what was lost. We approach the days ahead with the prayer that
we who have assembled here may be granted the wisdom, the judgment
and the inspiration which will enable us to maintain our faith with the
peoples and the nations which have entrusted their fate to our hands.
| Haile Selassie the First - May 25, 1963 |
| A Call To African Leaders - 1963 Summit May 25, 1963 |
| ...Let us not put off, to later consideration and study, the single act, the one decision, which must emerge from this gathering if it is to have real meaning. This Conference cannot close without adopting a single African Charter.... |
We welcome to Ethiopia in Our name and in the name of the Ethiopian
Government and people, the Heads of State and Government of
independent African nations who are today assembled in solemn conclave
in Ethiopia's capital city. This Conference, without parallel in history, is an
impressive testimonial to the devotion and dedication of which we all
partake in the cause of our mother continent and that of her sons and
daughters. This is indeed a momentous and historic day for Africa and
for all Africans.
We stand today on the stage of world affairs, before the audience of world
opinion. We have come together to assert our role in the direction of
world affairs and to discharge our duty to the great continent whose two
hundred and fifty million people we lead. Africa is today at mid-course in
transition from the Africa of Yesterday to the Africa of Tomorrow. Even
as we stand here, we move from the past into the future. The task on
which we have embarked, the making of Africa, will not wait. We must
act, to shape and mould the future and leave our imprint on events as they
slip past into history.
Government and people, the Heads of State and Government of
independent African nations who are today assembled in solemn conclave
in Ethiopia's capital city. This Conference, without parallel in history, is an
impressive testimonial to the devotion and dedication of which we all
partake in the cause of our mother continent and that of her sons and
daughters. This is indeed a momentous and historic day for Africa and
for all Africans.
We stand today on the stage of world affairs, before the audience of world
opinion. We have come together to assert our role in the direction of
world affairs and to discharge our duty to the great continent whose two
hundred and fifty million people we lead. Africa is today at mid-course in
transition from the Africa of Yesterday to the Africa of Tomorrow. Even
as we stand here, we move from the past into the future. The task on
which we have embarked, the making of Africa, will not wait. We must
act, to shape and mould the future and leave our imprint on events as they
slip past into history.
| To Chart A Course |
We seek, at this meeting, to determine whither we are going and to chart
the course of our destiny. It is no less important that we know whence
we came. An awareness of our past is essential to the establishment of
our personality and our identity as Africans.
This world was not created piecemeal. Africa was born no later and no
earlier than any other geographical area on this globe. Africans, no more
and no less than other men, possess all human attributes, talents and
deficiencies, virtues and faults. Thousands of years ago, civilizations
flourished in Africa which suffer not at all by comparison with those other
continents. In those centuries, Africans were politically free and
economically independent. Their social patterns were their own cultures
truly indigenous.
The obscurity which enshrouds the centuries which elapsed between
those earliest days and the rediscovery of Africa are being gradually
dispersed. What is certain is that during those long years Africans were
born, lived and died. Men on other parts of this earth occupied themselves
with their own concerns and, in their conceit, proclaimed that the world
began and ended at their horizons. All unknown to them, Africa developed
in its own pattern, growing in its own life and in the Nineteenth Century,
finally re-emerged into the world's consciousness.
the course of our destiny. It is no less important that we know whence
we came. An awareness of our past is essential to the establishment of
our personality and our identity as Africans.
This world was not created piecemeal. Africa was born no later and no
earlier than any other geographical area on this globe. Africans, no more
and no less than other men, possess all human attributes, talents and
deficiencies, virtues and faults. Thousands of years ago, civilizations
flourished in Africa which suffer not at all by comparison with those other
continents. In those centuries, Africans were politically free and
economically independent. Their social patterns were their own cultures
truly indigenous.
The obscurity which enshrouds the centuries which elapsed between
those earliest days and the rediscovery of Africa are being gradually
dispersed. What is certain is that during those long years Africans were
born, lived and died. Men on other parts of this earth occupied themselves
with their own concerns and, in their conceit, proclaimed that the world
began and ended at their horizons. All unknown to them, Africa developed
in its own pattern, growing in its own life and in the Nineteenth Century,
finally re-emerged into the world's consciousness.
| Fettered and Bound |
| Free and United |
Today, we look to the future calmly, confidently and courageously. We
look to the vision of an Africa not merely free but united. In facing this
new challenge we can take comfort and encouragement from the lessons
of the past. We know that there are differences among us. Africans
enjoy different cultures, distinctive values, special attributes. But we also
know that unity can be and has been attained among men of the most
disparate origins, that differences of race, of religion, of culture, of
tradition, are no insuperable obstacle to the coming together of peoples.
History teaches us that unity is strength and cautions us to submerge and
overcome our differences in the quest for common goals, to strive, with
all our combined strength, for the path to true African brotherhood and
unity.
There are those who claim that African unity is impossible that the forces
that pull us, some in this direction, others in that, are too strong to be
overcome. Around us there is no lack of doubt and pessimism, no
absence of critics and criticism. These speak of Africa, of Africa's future
and of her position in the Twentieth Century in sepulchral tones. They
predict dissention and disintegration among Africans and internecine strife
and chaos on our continent. Let us confound these and, by our deeds,
disperse them in confusion. There are others whose hopes for Africa are
bright, who stand with faces upturned in wonder and awe at the creation
of a new and happier life, who have dedicated themselves to its realization
and are spurred on by the example of their brothers to whom they owe the
achievements of Africa's past. Let us reward their trust and merit their
approval.
look to the vision of an Africa not merely free but united. In facing this
new challenge we can take comfort and encouragement from the lessons
of the past. We know that there are differences among us. Africans
enjoy different cultures, distinctive values, special attributes. But we also
know that unity can be and has been attained among men of the most
disparate origins, that differences of race, of religion, of culture, of
tradition, are no insuperable obstacle to the coming together of peoples.
History teaches us that unity is strength and cautions us to submerge and
overcome our differences in the quest for common goals, to strive, with
all our combined strength, for the path to true African brotherhood and
unity.
There are those who claim that African unity is impossible that the forces
that pull us, some in this direction, others in that, are too strong to be
overcome. Around us there is no lack of doubt and pessimism, no
absence of critics and criticism. These speak of Africa, of Africa's future
and of her position in the Twentieth Century in sepulchral tones. They
predict dissention and disintegration among Africans and internecine strife
and chaos on our continent. Let us confound these and, by our deeds,
disperse them in confusion. There are others whose hopes for Africa are
bright, who stand with faces upturned in wonder and awe at the creation
of a new and happier life, who have dedicated themselves to its realization
and are spurred on by the example of their brothers to whom they owe the
achievements of Africa's past. Let us reward their trust and merit their
approval.
| Foundation for Unity |
We are meeting here today to lay the basis for African unity. Let us, here
and now, agree upon the basic instrument which will constitute the
foundation for the future growth in peace and harmony and oneness of
this continent. Let our meetings henceforth proceed from solid
accomplishments. Let us not put off, to later consideration and study, the
single act, the one decision, which must emerge from this gathering if it is
to have real meaning. This Conference cannot close without adopting a
single African Charter. We cannot close without adopting a single African
organization prossessed of the attributes We have described. If we fail in
this, we will have shirked our responsibility to Africa and to the peoples
we lead. If we succeeed, then, and only then, will we have justified our
presence here.
The organization of which We speak must possess a well - cumulated
framework, having a permanent headquarters and an adequate Secretariat
providing the necessary continuity between meetings of the permanent
organs. It must include specialized bodies to work in particular fields of
competence assigned to the organization. Unless the political liberty for
which Africans have for so long struggled is complemented and bolstered
by a corresponding economic and social growth, the breath of life which
sustains our freedom may flicker out. In our efforts to improve the
standard of life of our peoples and to flesh out the bones of our
independence, we count on the assistance and support of others. But this
alone will not suffice, and, alone, would only perpetuate Africa's
dependence on others.
A specialized body to facilitate and co-ordinate continent-wide economic
programmes and to provide the mechanism for the provision of economic
assistance among African nations is thus required. Prompt measures can
be taken to increase trade and commerce among us. Africa's mineral
wealth is great; we should co-operate in its development. An African
Development Programme, which will make provision for the concentration
by each nation on those productive activities for which its resources and
its geographic and climatic conditions best fit it is needed. We assume
that each African nation has its own national development programme, and
it only remains for us to come together and share our experiences for the
proper implementation of a continent-wide plan. Today, travel between
African nations and telegraphic and telephonic communications among us
are circuitous in the extreme. Road communications between two
neighbouring States are often difficult or even impossible. It is little
wonder that trade among us has remained at a discouragingly low level.
These anachronisms are the remnants of a heritage of which we must rid
ourselves, the legacy of the century when Africans were isolated one form
the other. These are vital areas in which efforts must be concentrated.
and now, agree upon the basic instrument which will constitute the
foundation for the future growth in peace and harmony and oneness of
this continent. Let our meetings henceforth proceed from solid
accomplishments. Let us not put off, to later consideration and study, the
single act, the one decision, which must emerge from this gathering if it is
to have real meaning. This Conference cannot close without adopting a
single African Charter. We cannot close without adopting a single African
organization prossessed of the attributes We have described. If we fail in
this, we will have shirked our responsibility to Africa and to the peoples
we lead. If we succeeed, then, and only then, will we have justified our
presence here.
The organization of which We speak must possess a well - cumulated
framework, having a permanent headquarters and an adequate Secretariat
providing the necessary continuity between meetings of the permanent
organs. It must include specialized bodies to work in particular fields of
competence assigned to the organization. Unless the political liberty for
which Africans have for so long struggled is complemented and bolstered
by a corresponding economic and social growth, the breath of life which
sustains our freedom may flicker out. In our efforts to improve the
standard of life of our peoples and to flesh out the bones of our
independence, we count on the assistance and support of others. But this
alone will not suffice, and, alone, would only perpetuate Africa's
dependence on others.
A specialized body to facilitate and co-ordinate continent-wide economic
programmes and to provide the mechanism for the provision of economic
assistance among African nations is thus required. Prompt measures can
be taken to increase trade and commerce among us. Africa's mineral
wealth is great; we should co-operate in its development. An African
Development Programme, which will make provision for the concentration
by each nation on those productive activities for which its resources and
its geographic and climatic conditions best fit it is needed. We assume
that each African nation has its own national development programme, and
it only remains for us to come together and share our experiences for the
proper implementation of a continent-wide plan. Today, travel between
African nations and telegraphic and telephonic communications among us
are circuitous in the extreme. Road communications between two
neighbouring States are often difficult or even impossible. It is little
wonder that trade among us has remained at a discouragingly low level.
These anachronisms are the remnants of a heritage of which we must rid
ourselves, the legacy of the century when Africans were isolated one form
the other. These are vital areas in which efforts must be concentrated.
An additional project to be implemented without delay is the creation of an
African Development Bank, a proposal to which all our Governments have
given full support and which has already received intensive study. The
meeting of our Finance Ministers to be held within the coming weeks in
Khartoum should transform this proposal into fact. This same meeting
could appropriately continue studies already undertaken of the impact upon
Africa of existing regional economic groupings, and initiate further studies
to accelerate the expansion of economic relations among us.
The nations of Africa, as is true of every continent of the world, had from
time to time dispute among themselves. These quarrels must be confined
to this continent and quarantined form the contamination of non-African
interference. Permanent arrangements must be agreed upon to assist in
the peaceful settlement of these disagreements which, however few they
may be, cannot be left to languish and fester. Procedures must be
established for the peaceful settlement of disputes, in order that the threat
or use of force may no longer endanger the peace of our continent.
Steps must be taken to establish an African defence system. Military
planning for the security of this continent must be undertaken in common
within a collective framework. The responsibility for protecting this
continent from armed attacks from abroad is the primary concern of
Africans themselves. Provision must be made for the extension of speedy
and effective assistance when any African State is threatened with military
aggression. We cannot rely solely on international morality. Africa's
control over her own affairs is dependent on the existence of appropriate
military arrangements to assure this continent's protection against such
threats. While guarding our own independence, we must at the same time
determine to live peacefully with all nations of the world.
African Development Bank, a proposal to which all our Governments have
given full support and which has already received intensive study. The
meeting of our Finance Ministers to be held within the coming weeks in
Khartoum should transform this proposal into fact. This same meeting
could appropriately continue studies already undertaken of the impact upon
Africa of existing regional economic groupings, and initiate further studies
to accelerate the expansion of economic relations among us.
The nations of Africa, as is true of every continent of the world, had from
time to time dispute among themselves. These quarrels must be confined
to this continent and quarantined form the contamination of non-African
interference. Permanent arrangements must be agreed upon to assist in
the peaceful settlement of these disagreements which, however few they
may be, cannot be left to languish and fester. Procedures must be
established for the peaceful settlement of disputes, in order that the threat
or use of force may no longer endanger the peace of our continent.
Steps must be taken to establish an African defence system. Military
planning for the security of this continent must be undertaken in common
within a collective framework. The responsibility for protecting this
continent from armed attacks from abroad is the primary concern of
Africans themselves. Provision must be made for the extension of speedy
and effective assistance when any African State is threatened with military
aggression. We cannot rely solely on international morality. Africa's
control over her own affairs is dependent on the existence of appropriate
military arrangements to assure this continent's protection against such
threats. While guarding our own independence, we must at the same time
determine to live peacefully with all nations of the world.
| Nuclear Danger |
We must speak, also, of the dangers of the nuclear holocaust which
threatens all that we hold dear and precious, including life itself. Forced to
live our daily existence with this forboding and ominous shadow ever at
our side, we cannot lose hope or lapse into despair. The consequences of
an uncontrolled nuclear conflict are so dreadful that no sane man can
countenance them. There must be an end to testing. A programme of
progressive disarmament must be agreed upon. Africa must be freed and
shielded, as a denuclearized zone, from the consequences of direct, albeit,
involuntary involvement inthe nuclear arms race.
The negotiations at Geneva, where Nigeria, the United Arab Republic and
Ethiopia are participating, continue, and painfully and labouriously,
progress is being achieved. We cannot know what portion of the limited
advances already realized can be attributed to the increasingly important
role being played by the non-aligned nations in these discussions, but we
can, surely, derive some small measure of satisfaction in even the few
tentative steps taken toward ultimate agreement among the nuclear
powers. We remain persuaded that in our efforts to scatter the clouds
which rim the horizon of our future, success must come, if only because
failure is unthinkable. Patience and grim determination are required, and
faith in the guidance of Almighty God.
threatens all that we hold dear and precious, including life itself. Forced to
live our daily existence with this forboding and ominous shadow ever at
our side, we cannot lose hope or lapse into despair. The consequences of
an uncontrolled nuclear conflict are so dreadful that no sane man can
countenance them. There must be an end to testing. A programme of
progressive disarmament must be agreed upon. Africa must be freed and
shielded, as a denuclearized zone, from the consequences of direct, albeit,
involuntary involvement inthe nuclear arms race.
The negotiations at Geneva, where Nigeria, the United Arab Republic and
Ethiopia are participating, continue, and painfully and labouriously,
progress is being achieved. We cannot know what portion of the limited
advances already realized can be attributed to the increasingly important
role being played by the non-aligned nations in these discussions, but we
can, surely, derive some small measure of satisfaction in even the few
tentative steps taken toward ultimate agreement among the nuclear
powers. We remain persuaded that in our efforts to scatter the clouds
which rim the horizon of our future, success must come, if only because
failure is unthinkable. Patience and grim determination are required, and
faith in the guidance of Almighty God.
| Collective Security |
We would not close without making mention of the United Naitons. We
personally, Who have throughout Our lifetime been ever guided and
inspired by the principle of collective security, would not now propose
measures which depart from or are inconsistent with this ideal or with the
declarations of the United Nations Charter. It would be foolhardy indeed
to abandon a principle which has withstood the test of time and which has
proved its inherent value again and again in the past. It would be worse
than folly to weaken the one effective world organization which exists
today and to which each of us owes so much. It would be sheer
recklessness for any of us to detract from this organization which,
however imperfect, provides the best bulwark against the incursion of any
forces which would deprive us of our hard-won liberty and dignity.
The African Charter of which We have spoken is wholly consistent with
that of the United Nations. The African organization which We envisage is
not intended in any way to replace in our national or international life that
position which the United Nations has so diligently earned and so rightfully
occupies. Rather, the measure which We propose whould complement
and round out programmes undertaken by the United Nations and its
specialized agencies and, hopefully, render both their activities and ours
doubly meaningful and effective. What we seek will multiply many times
over the contribution which our joint endeavours may make to the
assurance of world peace and the promotion of human well-being and
understanding.
personally, Who have throughout Our lifetime been ever guided and
inspired by the principle of collective security, would not now propose
measures which depart from or are inconsistent with this ideal or with the
declarations of the United Nations Charter. It would be foolhardy indeed
to abandon a principle which has withstood the test of time and which has
proved its inherent value again and again in the past. It would be worse
than folly to weaken the one effective world organization which exists
today and to which each of us owes so much. It would be sheer
recklessness for any of us to detract from this organization which,
however imperfect, provides the best bulwark against the incursion of any
forces which would deprive us of our hard-won liberty and dignity.
The African Charter of which We have spoken is wholly consistent with
that of the United Nations. The African organization which We envisage is
not intended in any way to replace in our national or international life that
position which the United Nations has so diligently earned and so rightfully
occupies. Rather, the measure which We propose whould complement
and round out programmes undertaken by the United Nations and its
specialized agencies and, hopefully, render both their activities and ours
doubly meaningful and effective. What we seek will multiply many times
over the contribution which our joint endeavours may make to the
assurance of world peace and the promotion of human well-being and
understanding.
| Accepted Goal |
The road of African unity is already lined with landmarks. The last years
are crowded with meetings, with conferences with declarations and
pronouncements. Local groupings based on common interests,
backgrounds and traditions have been created.
But though all that has been said and written and done in these years, there
runs a common theme. Unity is the accepted goal. We argue about
means; we discuss alternative paths to the same objective; we engage in
debates about techniques and tactics.
But when semantics are stripped away, there is little argument among us.
We are determined to create a union of Africans. In a very real sense, our
continent is unmade; it still awaits creation and its creators. It is our duty
and privilege to rouse the slumbering giant of Africa, not to the nationalism
of Europe of the Nineteenth Century, not to regional conscious, but to the
vision of a single African brotherood bending its united efforts toward the
achievement of a greater and nobler goal.
Above all, we must avoid the pitfalls of tribalism. If we are divided among
ourselves on tribal lines, we open our doors to foreign intervention and its
potentially harmful consequences. The Congo is clear proof of what We
say. We should not be led to complacency because of the present
ameliorated situation in that country. The Congolese people have suffered
untold misery, and the economic growth of the country has been retarded
because of tribal strife.
are crowded with meetings, with conferences with declarations and
pronouncements. Local groupings based on common interests,
backgrounds and traditions have been created.
But though all that has been said and written and done in these years, there
runs a common theme. Unity is the accepted goal. We argue about
means; we discuss alternative paths to the same objective; we engage in
debates about techniques and tactics.
But when semantics are stripped away, there is little argument among us.
We are determined to create a union of Africans. In a very real sense, our
continent is unmade; it still awaits creation and its creators. It is our duty
and privilege to rouse the slumbering giant of Africa, not to the nationalism
of Europe of the Nineteenth Century, not to regional conscious, but to the
vision of a single African brotherood bending its united efforts toward the
achievement of a greater and nobler goal.
Above all, we must avoid the pitfalls of tribalism. If we are divided among
ourselves on tribal lines, we open our doors to foreign intervention and its
potentially harmful consequences. The Congo is clear proof of what We
say. We should not be led to complacency because of the present
ameliorated situation in that country. The Congolese people have suffered
untold misery, and the economic growth of the country has been retarded
because of tribal strife.
| Obstacles Formidable |
But while we agree that the ultimate destiny of this continent lies in
political union, we must at the same time recognize that the obstacles to be
overcome in its achievement are at once numerous and formidable.
Africa's peoples did not emerge into liberty in uniform conditions.
Africans maintain different political systems; our economies are diverse;
our social orders are rooted in differing cultures and traditions.
Furthermore, no clear concensus exists on the "how" and the "what" of
this union. Is it to be, in form, federal, confederal or unitary? Is the
sovereignty of individual states to be reduced, and if so, by how much,
and in what areas? On these and other questions there is no agreement,
and if we wait for agreed answers, generations hence matters will be little
advanced, while the debate still rages.
We should, therefore, not be concerned that complete union is not attained
from one day to the next. The union which we seek can only come
gradually, as the day-to-day progress which we achieve carries us slowly
but inexorably along this course. We have before us the examples of the
U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. We must remember how long these required to
achieve their union. When a solid foundation is laid, if the mason is able
and his materials good, a strong house can be built.
Thus, a period of transition is in inevitable. Old relations and arrangements
may for a time, linger. Regional organizations may fulfil legitimate
functions and needs which cannot yet be otherwise satisfied. But the
difference is in this: that we recognize these circumstances for what they
are, temporary expedients designed to server only until we have
established the conditions which will bring total African unity within our
reach.
political union, we must at the same time recognize that the obstacles to be
overcome in its achievement are at once numerous and formidable.
Africa's peoples did not emerge into liberty in uniform conditions.
Africans maintain different political systems; our economies are diverse;
our social orders are rooted in differing cultures and traditions.
Furthermore, no clear concensus exists on the "how" and the "what" of
this union. Is it to be, in form, federal, confederal or unitary? Is the
sovereignty of individual states to be reduced, and if so, by how much,
and in what areas? On these and other questions there is no agreement,
and if we wait for agreed answers, generations hence matters will be little
advanced, while the debate still rages.
We should, therefore, not be concerned that complete union is not attained
from one day to the next. The union which we seek can only come
gradually, as the day-to-day progress which we achieve carries us slowly
but inexorably along this course. We have before us the examples of the
U.S.A. and the U.S.S.R. We must remember how long these required to
achieve their union. When a solid foundation is laid, if the mason is able
and his materials good, a strong house can be built.
Thus, a period of transition is in inevitable. Old relations and arrangements
may for a time, linger. Regional organizations may fulfil legitimate
functions and needs which cannot yet be otherwise satisfied. But the
difference is in this: that we recognize these circumstances for what they
are, temporary expedients designed to server only until we have
established the conditions which will bring total African unity within our
reach.
| Exploit Agreement |
There is, nonetheless, much that we can do to speed this transition. There
are issues on which we stand united and questions on which their is
unanimity of opinion. Let us seize on these areas of agreement and exploit
them to the fullest. Let us take action now, action which, while taking
account of present realities nonetheless constitutes clear and unmistakable
progress along the course plotted our for us by destiny. We are all
adherents, whatever our internal political systems, of the principles of
democratic action. Let us apply these to the unity we seek to create. Let
us work out our own programmes in all fields -- political, economic, social
and military. The opponents of Africa's growth, whose interests would be
best served by a divided and balkanized continent, would derive much
satisfaction from the unhappy spectacle of thirty and more African States
so split, so paralysed and immobilized by controversies over long-term
goals that they are unable even to join their efforts in short-term measures
on which there is no dispute. If we act where we may in those areas
where action is possible, the inner logic of the programmes which we
adopt will work for us and inevitably impel us still farther in the direction
of ultimate union.
What we still lack, despite the efforts of past years, is the mechnism
which will enable us to speak, with one voice when we wish to do so and
take and implement decisions on African problems when we are so
minded. The commentators of 1963 speak in discussing Africa, of the
Monrovia States, the Brazzaville Group, the Casablanca Powers, of these
and many more. Let us put an end to these terms. What we require is a
single African organization through which Africa's single voice may be
heard, within which Africa's problems may be studied and resolved. We
need an organization which will facilitate acceptable solutions to disputes
among Africans and promote the study and adoption of measures for
common defence and programmes for co-operation in the economic and
social fields. Let us, at this Conference, create a single institution to
which we will all belong, based on principles to which we all subscribe,
confident that in its councils our voices will carry their proper weight,
secure in the knowledge that the decisions there will be dictated by
Africans and only by Africans and that they will take full account of all
vital African considerations.
are issues on which we stand united and questions on which their is
unanimity of opinion. Let us seize on these areas of agreement and exploit
them to the fullest. Let us take action now, action which, while taking
account of present realities nonetheless constitutes clear and unmistakable
progress along the course plotted our for us by destiny. We are all
adherents, whatever our internal political systems, of the principles of
democratic action. Let us apply these to the unity we seek to create. Let
us work out our own programmes in all fields -- political, economic, social
and military. The opponents of Africa's growth, whose interests would be
best served by a divided and balkanized continent, would derive much
satisfaction from the unhappy spectacle of thirty and more African States
so split, so paralysed and immobilized by controversies over long-term
goals that they are unable even to join their efforts in short-term measures
on which there is no dispute. If we act where we may in those areas
where action is possible, the inner logic of the programmes which we
adopt will work for us and inevitably impel us still farther in the direction
of ultimate union.
What we still lack, despite the efforts of past years, is the mechnism
which will enable us to speak, with one voice when we wish to do so and
take and implement decisions on African problems when we are so
minded. The commentators of 1963 speak in discussing Africa, of the
Monrovia States, the Brazzaville Group, the Casablanca Powers, of these
and many more. Let us put an end to these terms. What we require is a
single African organization through which Africa's single voice may be
heard, within which Africa's problems may be studied and resolved. We
need an organization which will facilitate acceptable solutions to disputes
among Africans and promote the study and adoption of measures for
common defence and programmes for co-operation in the economic and
social fields. Let us, at this Conference, create a single institution to
which we will all belong, based on principles to which we all subscribe,
confident that in its councils our voices will carry their proper weight,
secure in the knowledge that the decisions there will be dictated by
Africans and only by Africans and that they will take full account of all
vital African considerations.