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| Ba Beta Kristiyan Haile Selassie I |
| Chapter II - Part 4 |
| Addresses The Belgrade Conference Sept. 03, 1961 |
| .... We are meeting at a crucial juncture in history. Even within the confines of these walls, the rattling of the sabres of the mighty powers clashes in our ears. |
| Selected Speeches |
We deem it a privilege to be here today in Belgrade as the guest of Our old
and good friend, Marshal Josep Broz Tito, and to address this Conference
which is meeting in this, the capital city of Yugoslavia. To all who here
Our words, and to all whom they represent, We extend Our greetings and
those of the people of Ethiopia.
We would also extend Our thanks to Marshal Tito for acting as host at this
Conference and to the Government and people of Yugoslavia for the warm
welcome which has been accorded Us here, a welcome which We have
come to know to be characteristic of the friendly and generous Yugoslav
nation.
We are particularly gratified at being able to speak to this Conference,
called to provide a forum wherein nations sharing common attitudes and
facing common difficulties may exchange vies on some of the urgent
problems which confront the peoples of the world today, because among
those gathered here are many great world leaders, men whom We are
privileged to call friends and whom We and the peoples of the world hold
in highest esteem. Their presence in this hall augurs well for the success
of our labours. We regret only that representatives of other nations which
We believe share views similar to our are not also numbered among those
present here.
and good friend, Marshal Josep Broz Tito, and to address this Conference
which is meeting in this, the capital city of Yugoslavia. To all who here
Our words, and to all whom they represent, We extend Our greetings and
those of the people of Ethiopia.
We would also extend Our thanks to Marshal Tito for acting as host at this
Conference and to the Government and people of Yugoslavia for the warm
welcome which has been accorded Us here, a welcome which We have
come to know to be characteristic of the friendly and generous Yugoslav
nation.
We are particularly gratified at being able to speak to this Conference,
called to provide a forum wherein nations sharing common attitudes and
facing common difficulties may exchange vies on some of the urgent
problems which confront the peoples of the world today, because among
those gathered here are many great world leaders, men whom We are
privileged to call friends and whom We and the peoples of the world hold
in highest esteem. Their presence in this hall augurs well for the success
of our labours. We regret only that representatives of other nations which
We believe share views similar to our are not also numbered among those
present here.
| Critical Juncture In History |
We are meeting at a critical juncture in history. Even within the confines
of these walls, the rattling of the sabres of the mighty powers clashes in
our ears. The dark and ominous clouds of world conflict loom
threateningly on the horizon. Both great power groups, while disclaiming
any intention of initiating aggression, have dwelt, in public utterances,
upon their retaliatory might, upon their ability to wage a war in which tens
and hundreds of millions would be the victims, in which, indeed, some of
us fear that man himself might be exterminated.
These are grim days indeed, and we must call upon a high degree of
courage to face each new dawn and the dangers and decisions it brings.
But at the same time, we should not be cast into despair or deterred from
attacking, with zeal and energy, the problems which we have met to
consider. Rather, and perhaps for the first time, let us undertake a realistic
and critical reappraisal of our role in history and thus achieve a complete
understanding of the full extent of our involvement in present-day world
events. We, personally, welcome this opportunity to demonstrate the
influence which the Non-Aligned Nations can bring to bear upon global
problems and the full extent of the contribution which We can make to
their solution.
of these walls, the rattling of the sabres of the mighty powers clashes in
our ears. The dark and ominous clouds of world conflict loom
threateningly on the horizon. Both great power groups, while disclaiming
any intention of initiating aggression, have dwelt, in public utterances,
upon their retaliatory might, upon their ability to wage a war in which tens
and hundreds of millions would be the victims, in which, indeed, some of
us fear that man himself might be exterminated.
These are grim days indeed, and we must call upon a high degree of
courage to face each new dawn and the dangers and decisions it brings.
But at the same time, we should not be cast into despair or deterred from
attacking, with zeal and energy, the problems which we have met to
consider. Rather, and perhaps for the first time, let us undertake a realistic
and critical reappraisal of our role in history and thus achieve a complete
understanding of the full extent of our involvement in present-day world
events. We, personally, welcome this opportunity to demonstrate the
influence which the Non-Aligned Nations can bring to bear upon global
problems and the full extent of the contribution which We can make to
their solution.
| World's Major Challenges |
The major challenges confronting the world today are two: the
preservation of peace and the betterment of the living conditions of that
half of the world which is poor. These are, of course, mutually
interdependent. Without peace, it is futile to talk of improving man's lot;
and without such improvement, the task of guaranteeing peace is rendered
many-fold more difficult. The assault on these two problems must be
made simultaneously, and all of our actions should be taken with an eye to
the solution of both.
The nations which are represented here today have answered an invitation
to attend a Conference of Non-Aligned States. We may usefully ask, as an
essential first step in working out our own terms of reference and in
shaping a common approach to the problems we have met to consider,
what we mean by the term "non-aligned."
We may say that no nation here feels itself so wholly within the sphere of
influence of either of these two great groups that it cannot act
independently of them and contrary to them whenever it so chooses and
the interests of world peace so dictate. We mean, in sum, that we are all,
in the ultimate sense, neutral in the cold war which rages unabated in the
world today.
preservation of peace and the betterment of the living conditions of that
half of the world which is poor. These are, of course, mutually
interdependent. Without peace, it is futile to talk of improving man's lot;
and without such improvement, the task of guaranteeing peace is rendered
many-fold more difficult. The assault on these two problems must be
made simultaneously, and all of our actions should be taken with an eye to
the solution of both.
The nations which are represented here today have answered an invitation
to attend a Conference of Non-Aligned States. We may usefully ask, as an
essential first step in working out our own terms of reference and in
shaping a common approach to the problems we have met to consider,
what we mean by the term "non-aligned."
We may say that no nation here feels itself so wholly within the sphere of
influence of either of these two great groups that it cannot act
independently of them and contrary to them whenever it so chooses and
the interests of world peace so dictate. We mean, in sum, that we are all,
in the ultimate sense, neutral in the cold war which rages unabated in the
world today.
| Neutrality |
By the word "neutral" We do not, of course, mean that abstention from
political activity which has been for so long the hallmark of a Switzerland.
We can no more refrain from political activity in the year 1961 than man
today can voluntarily refrain from partaking of the radioactive fall-out
which will be bestowed upon him should a nuclear holocaust erupt on this
globe. Nor does neutrality mean that without taking sides, we content
ourselves with urging that the powers most intimately concerned negotiate
in good faith to the solution of the issues in dispute between them; we
have passed the point where prayerful pleading serves any purpose other
than to debase those who thereby abdicate any responsibility or power to
influence events.
To be neutral is to be impartial, impartial to judge actions and policies
objectively, as we see them either contributing to or detracting from the
resolution of the world's problems, the preservation of peace and the
improvement of the general level of man's living conditions. Thus, we
may find ourselves now opposing, now supporting, now voting with, now
voting against, first the East, next the West. It is the worth of the policies
themselves, and not their source or sponsor, which determines the
position of one who is truly neutral.
This, We maintain, is the essence of non-alignment. Those who would
righteously denounce one side on every major problem or issue while
reserving nothing but praise for the other cannot claim to be non-aligned,
nor can those whose policies are shaped for them elsewhere and who wait
patiently to be instructed whether they are to be for or against be called
uncommitted.
political activity which has been for so long the hallmark of a Switzerland.
We can no more refrain from political activity in the year 1961 than man
today can voluntarily refrain from partaking of the radioactive fall-out
which will be bestowed upon him should a nuclear holocaust erupt on this
globe. Nor does neutrality mean that without taking sides, we content
ourselves with urging that the powers most intimately concerned negotiate
in good faith to the solution of the issues in dispute between them; we
have passed the point where prayerful pleading serves any purpose other
than to debase those who thereby abdicate any responsibility or power to
influence events.
To be neutral is to be impartial, impartial to judge actions and policies
objectively, as we see them either contributing to or detracting from the
resolution of the world's problems, the preservation of peace and the
improvement of the general level of man's living conditions. Thus, we
may find ourselves now opposing, now supporting, now voting with, now
voting against, first the East, next the West. It is the worth of the policies
themselves, and not their source or sponsor, which determines the
position of one who is truly neutral.
This, We maintain, is the essence of non-alignment. Those who would
righteously denounce one side on every major problem or issue while
reserving nothing but praise for the other cannot claim to be non-aligned,
nor can those whose policies are shaped for them elsewhere and who wait
patiently to be instructed whether they are to be for or against be called
uncommitted.
| Friendly Relations |
We in Ethiopia feel that we have achieved increasing success in
incorporating this concept into our international relations. We have for
many years carried on friendly relations with Western and Eastern nations.
We have received economic aid and technical assistance from both West
and East without in any way compromising our independence in passing
judgement on issues which have arisen between the two, We have never
engaged in unjustifiable attacks on either side, but at the same time, we
have never hesitated to be critical of either when we have felt their policies
demanded or deserved criticisms.
Only this definition of non-alignment or, if we like, of neutrality, will serve
in the mosern world if we intend honestly to bring our influence to bear on
present-day problems. It is in the implementation of this concept that we,
the Non-Aligned Nations, have our role to play, a role which, unless we
compromise it, can contribute immeasurably to the twin causes of world
justice and the betterment of mankind. If we raise our voices against
injustice, wherever it be found, if we demand a stop to aggression
wherever it occurs and under whatever guise and brand the aggressor is
such, and if we do so on a wholly impartial basis, we can serve as the
collective conscience of the world. On the other hand, we will quickly
and surely sacrifice this privileged position if we reveal ourselves to be
biased on one side or the other from the outset, if we listen with only one
ear to only one side, and act in defiance of the principle of impartiality.
incorporating this concept into our international relations. We have for
many years carried on friendly relations with Western and Eastern nations.
We have received economic aid and technical assistance from both West
and East without in any way compromising our independence in passing
judgement on issues which have arisen between the two, We have never
engaged in unjustifiable attacks on either side, but at the same time, we
have never hesitated to be critical of either when we have felt their policies
demanded or deserved criticisms.
Only this definition of non-alignment or, if we like, of neutrality, will serve
in the mosern world if we intend honestly to bring our influence to bear on
present-day problems. It is in the implementation of this concept that we,
the Non-Aligned Nations, have our role to play, a role which, unless we
compromise it, can contribute immeasurably to the twin causes of world
justice and the betterment of mankind. If we raise our voices against
injustice, wherever it be found, if we demand a stop to aggression
wherever it occurs and under whatever guise and brand the aggressor is
such, and if we do so on a wholly impartial basis, we can serve as the
collective conscience of the world. On the other hand, we will quickly
and surely sacrifice this privileged position if we reveal ourselves to be
biased on one side or the other from the outset, if we listen with only one
ear to only one side, and act in defiance of the principle of impartiality.
| We Are Not A Power Bloc |
For the fact is, and while the fact is hard it must be accepted if our
deliberations and decisions are to bear the stamp of sincerity and reality,
even the total combined weight of all of the uncommitted nations of the
world here today, plus those which are not attending this Conference,
cannot, in terms of pure power, be compared to the Western and Eastern
powers. To cite but one example, the population of a single nation, India,
represented in our midst by a great and noble statesman and Our good
friend, Jawaharlal Pandit Nehru, exceeds the total population of all of the
rest of the states present here. Analysed with an eye to military strength
or to present day wealth, we must recognize that the uncommitted nations
cannot qualify as a power bloc and that our strength resides not in military
might or in economic wealth, but rather, in the cumulative moral influence
which we can bring to bear on the peoples and the problems of the world.
We should not, however, under-estimate the extent of this strength, and
realistically appraising its worth, we must seek ways of exploiting it for
the good of mankind. In the struggle which we witness in the world
today, two groups compete for our support and our adherence to their
policies. The leaders and peoples of these two groups are both highly
sensitive to our reactions to their policies, and the potential impact of an
aroused public opinion upon them has, We believe, a far greater
significance than we have hetetofore realized. Each side is fearful for its
cause and will reap satisfaction or dismay, as the case may be, from the
judgements which we pass upon their actions. If we remain faithful to the
principles of Bandung and apply them in our international life, we will
maximize the influence which we can bring to bear on world problems.
deliberations and decisions are to bear the stamp of sincerity and reality,
even the total combined weight of all of the uncommitted nations of the
world here today, plus those which are not attending this Conference,
cannot, in terms of pure power, be compared to the Western and Eastern
powers. To cite but one example, the population of a single nation, India,
represented in our midst by a great and noble statesman and Our good
friend, Jawaharlal Pandit Nehru, exceeds the total population of all of the
rest of the states present here. Analysed with an eye to military strength
or to present day wealth, we must recognize that the uncommitted nations
cannot qualify as a power bloc and that our strength resides not in military
might or in economic wealth, but rather, in the cumulative moral influence
which we can bring to bear on the peoples and the problems of the world.
We should not, however, under-estimate the extent of this strength, and
realistically appraising its worth, we must seek ways of exploiting it for
the good of mankind. In the struggle which we witness in the world
today, two groups compete for our support and our adherence to their
policies. The leaders and peoples of these two groups are both highly
sensitive to our reactions to their policies, and the potential impact of an
aroused public opinion upon them has, We believe, a far greater
significance than we have hetetofore realized. Each side is fearful for its
cause and will reap satisfaction or dismay, as the case may be, from the
judgements which we pass upon their actions. If we remain faithful to the
principles of Bandung and apply them in our international life, we will
maximize the influence which we can bring to bear on world problems.
| Moral Element |
But, in the exercise of this strength we must guard against the temptation
to seek to aggrandize our position by acting and voting as a group simply
for th sake of group action. For when we descend into the political arena
as a recognized and organized and disciplined unit, our moral influence and
our power to rally and shape opinion on questions of world import which
is otherwise our greatest strength is compromised and dissipated. Bloc
action implies, within the group, the exertion of pressures upon
recalcitrant members, the compromise of positions, the sacrifice of
principle for political expediency, the trading of votes for votes and
adherence to the rule of the quid pro quo. All of these are inconsistent
with the real source of our power: the moral element in the conduct of
human affairs. How often have we all, at the United Nations, witnessed
the sorry spectacle of nations voting against their will, against their own
self-interest at times, as part of a bloc. And how have we applauded the
occasions when members of a group, in defiance, of the policies and
wishes of the group's leaders, have voted in accordance with principle and
right as they saw it.
We should be aware, too, that in relinquishing the role which we may play,
if we will, in insisting upon the devotion to principle which is the antithesis
of pure power politics, we play the game of those whom we seek
influence. When no one upholds the cause of right and justice for their
own sake, when the small, still voice of conscience speaks no longer,
immorality and lack of principle have triumphed, and in this history all of
mankind is the loser.
to seek to aggrandize our position by acting and voting as a group simply
for th sake of group action. For when we descend into the political arena
as a recognized and organized and disciplined unit, our moral influence and
our power to rally and shape opinion on questions of world import which
is otherwise our greatest strength is compromised and dissipated. Bloc
action implies, within the group, the exertion of pressures upon
recalcitrant members, the compromise of positions, the sacrifice of
principle for political expediency, the trading of votes for votes and
adherence to the rule of the quid pro quo. All of these are inconsistent
with the real source of our power: the moral element in the conduct of
human affairs. How often have we all, at the United Nations, witnessed
the sorry spectacle of nations voting against their will, against their own
self-interest at times, as part of a bloc. And how have we applauded the
occasions when members of a group, in defiance, of the policies and
wishes of the group's leaders, have voted in accordance with principle and
right as they saw it.
We should be aware, too, that in relinquishing the role which we may play,
if we will, in insisting upon the devotion to principle which is the antithesis
of pure power politics, we play the game of those whom we seek
influence. When no one upholds the cause of right and justice for their
own sake, when the small, still voice of conscience speaks no longer,
immorality and lack of principle have triumphed, and in this history all of
mankind is the loser.
| Who Gains From The U.N.? |
Let us not delude ourselves, it is not the great powers that need or benefit
from the existence of the United Nations. It is the small powers, which
depend on and require and demand that it live. It is we who have the most
to gain through the successful achievement of its goals, it is we who have
the most to lose should it one day be relegated to a tidy niche in history, a
niche already occupied by the League of Nations. We have had sad
occasions to observe in the not too distant past that the great powers are
capable of injustice and of abuse of power. We are all too well aware, as
recent events and utterances should convince any but the most sceptical
and disbelieving, that the great powers, while prepared to use the United
Nations when it suits their convenience, have been equally willing to ignore
and by-pass it and act independently of it when their interests so dictated.
Unilateral action outside the United Nations is, however, a luxury denied to
the poorer and weaker nations.
But, in the face of world opinion, massed in support of right and justice,
We venture to suggest that even the great nations, powerful as they are,
will hesitate to breach the peace and violate fundamental rights of mankind
and of nations, in defiance of the United Nations, and thus face universal
condemnation. This is our hope, our only hope, and it is our obligation to
insure that the full weight of our influence is solidly ranged on the side of
right and justice in this forum.
from the existence of the United Nations. It is the small powers, which
depend on and require and demand that it live. It is we who have the most
to gain through the successful achievement of its goals, it is we who have
the most to lose should it one day be relegated to a tidy niche in history, a
niche already occupied by the League of Nations. We have had sad
occasions to observe in the not too distant past that the great powers are
capable of injustice and of abuse of power. We are all too well aware, as
recent events and utterances should convince any but the most sceptical
and disbelieving, that the great powers, while prepared to use the United
Nations when it suits their convenience, have been equally willing to ignore
and by-pass it and act independently of it when their interests so dictated.
Unilateral action outside the United Nations is, however, a luxury denied to
the poorer and weaker nations.
But, in the face of world opinion, massed in support of right and justice,
We venture to suggest that even the great nations, powerful as they are,
will hesitate to breach the peace and violate fundamental rights of mankind
and of nations, in defiance of the United Nations, and thus face universal
condemnation. This is our hope, our only hope, and it is our obligation to
insure that the full weight of our influence is solidly ranged on the side of
right and justice in this forum.
| U.N.'s Enemy - Our Enemy |
In our appraisal of the United Nations, of its structure and the field of
action proper and appropriate to it, we must recognize the historically
demonstrated fact that a wilful and deliberate violation by any member
state of its obligations under the United Nations Charter weakens the
United Nation's prestige and threatens its destruction. Let us speak
frankly; he who acts deliberately and with calculation to the injury of the
United Nations, to weaken it or to endanger its existence as an effective
and energitic international institution, is the enemy of all of us. He robs the
world of the last, best hope for peace, robs the small nations of that
bulwark which the United Nations provides against oppression and he
deprives them of the forum where their voice may be raised against
injustice and oppression. It is, perphaps, no accident that the United
Nations headquarters resembles a structure of glass. It is a fragile, not an
indestructible, institution.
At the same time, we need not delude ourselves, that the performance of
the United Nations has been, at all times and on all questions, that which
we might have wished. The United Nations is man-conceived and
man-run, and hence, by its nature and by the nature of man, imperfect.
We must be constantly alert to improve and perfect its machinery, to
minimize the risk that in time of crisis it will fail us, to assure that its
decisions are founded on principle and not on bias and prejudice.
The most obvious defect which We observe in the United Nations today
derives from the fact that this Organization, in 1961, remains the self-same
entity which was created sixteen years ago at San Francisco. Its
membership has more than doubled from 46 to 99 nations, but its
structure remains the same, and no measures have been taken to assure
that adequate representation in its constituent organs is guaranteed to the
peoples who have, since 1945, taken their places in this world body. We
must not and we shall not be denied this right -- for this is a right and not
a privilege. The increased participation of the Non-Aligned Nations in the
day-to-day activities of the United Nations is the best safeguard against the
arbitrary abuse of its powers and functions by and for the benefit of a
single group, and such a development would enhance immeasurably its
effectiveness as a bulwark against aggression and a guarantor of the peace.
We must, too, observe that the United Nations can scarcely fulfil the role
envisaged for it by its founders so long as hundreds of millions of people
remain unrepresented there. We refer now not merely to those whose
independence is yet to be attained but, as well, to those states, primary
among which is the People's Republic of China, which have thus far been
excluded from a seat in its councils. We can hardly speak with true
sincerity of a universal meeting place or of an organization whose
decisions will be binding upon the world community of nations when
states which we, the Non-Aligned Countries, would wish to influence are
not present to hear our words or to feel the weight of our opinions. We
urge both the proponents and the opponents of the admission of such
states to seek an acceptable formula whereby those to whom We refer
may soon be counted among the members of the Organization.
action proper and appropriate to it, we must recognize the historically
demonstrated fact that a wilful and deliberate violation by any member
state of its obligations under the United Nations Charter weakens the
United Nation's prestige and threatens its destruction. Let us speak
frankly; he who acts deliberately and with calculation to the injury of the
United Nations, to weaken it or to endanger its existence as an effective
and energitic international institution, is the enemy of all of us. He robs the
world of the last, best hope for peace, robs the small nations of that
bulwark which the United Nations provides against oppression and he
deprives them of the forum where their voice may be raised against
injustice and oppression. It is, perphaps, no accident that the United
Nations headquarters resembles a structure of glass. It is a fragile, not an
indestructible, institution.
At the same time, we need not delude ourselves, that the performance of
the United Nations has been, at all times and on all questions, that which
we might have wished. The United Nations is man-conceived and
man-run, and hence, by its nature and by the nature of man, imperfect.
We must be constantly alert to improve and perfect its machinery, to
minimize the risk that in time of crisis it will fail us, to assure that its
decisions are founded on principle and not on bias and prejudice.
The most obvious defect which We observe in the United Nations today
derives from the fact that this Organization, in 1961, remains the self-same
entity which was created sixteen years ago at San Francisco. Its
membership has more than doubled from 46 to 99 nations, but its
structure remains the same, and no measures have been taken to assure
that adequate representation in its constituent organs is guaranteed to the
peoples who have, since 1945, taken their places in this world body. We
must not and we shall not be denied this right -- for this is a right and not
a privilege. The increased participation of the Non-Aligned Nations in the
day-to-day activities of the United Nations is the best safeguard against the
arbitrary abuse of its powers and functions by and for the benefit of a
single group, and such a development would enhance immeasurably its
effectiveness as a bulwark against aggression and a guarantor of the peace.
We must, too, observe that the United Nations can scarcely fulfil the role
envisaged for it by its founders so long as hundreds of millions of people
remain unrepresented there. We refer now not merely to those whose
independence is yet to be attained but, as well, to those states, primary
among which is the People's Republic of China, which have thus far been
excluded from a seat in its councils. We can hardly speak with true
sincerity of a universal meeting place or of an organization whose
decisions will be binding upon the world community of nations when
states which we, the Non-Aligned Countries, would wish to influence are
not present to hear our words or to feel the weight of our opinions. We
urge both the proponents and the opponents of the admission of such
states to seek an acceptable formula whereby those to whom We refer
may soon be counted among the members of the Organization.
| International Politics |
| Role Of The U.N. |
This leads Us into the next matter of which We would like to speak to
you: the supreme importance which we, and particularly the smaller
nations among us, must continue to attach to the role played by the United
Nations in the field of international relations. The United Nations, in the
first instance, provides the forum wherein we, who claim the freedom and
the position to speak frankly and openly against injustice, against desertion
of principle, against the intimidation, the oppression, the subjugation of the
weak by the powerful, can make our voices heard. We must be ever
vigilant to assure that such an institution is preserved to us. The year
1960 has been called the Year of Africa -- and rightly so. We would ask
our fellow Africans to assess in their own minds the significance of the
role which the very existence of the United Nations played in the liberation
of the millions of Africans who in the past few years have cast off the
yoke of subjugation. This is not to say that the United Nations is directly
responsible for the coming of age of Africa. We do assert, however, that
without the medium provided by the United Nations, wherein the African
struggle for freedom could be brought before the conscience of the world,
the forces of colonialism would remain far more firmly entrenched on the
African continent than they do today.
Equally important, the United Nations provides the instrumentality whereby
the principle of Collective Security, to which We personally have devoted
Our lifetime, achieves real and tangible existence and meaning. If force
must be employed in the world today in resistance to aggression and in the
maintenance of world peace, surely it is preferable that it be employed
through an institution such as the United Nations, in pursuance of
international decisions legally and openly arrived at there. Ethiopia has not
hesitated to respond in the past with all the resources at her disposal to the
call of the United Nations in times of crisis, and we shall not hesitate to do
so again should the call be made.
you: the supreme importance which we, and particularly the smaller
nations among us, must continue to attach to the role played by the United
Nations in the field of international relations. The United Nations, in the
first instance, provides the forum wherein we, who claim the freedom and
the position to speak frankly and openly against injustice, against desertion
of principle, against the intimidation, the oppression, the subjugation of the
weak by the powerful, can make our voices heard. We must be ever
vigilant to assure that such an institution is preserved to us. The year
1960 has been called the Year of Africa -- and rightly so. We would ask
our fellow Africans to assess in their own minds the significance of the
role which the very existence of the United Nations played in the liberation
of the millions of Africans who in the past few years have cast off the
yoke of subjugation. This is not to say that the United Nations is directly
responsible for the coming of age of Africa. We do assert, however, that
without the medium provided by the United Nations, wherein the African
struggle for freedom could be brought before the conscience of the world,
the forces of colonialism would remain far more firmly entrenched on the
African continent than they do today.
Equally important, the United Nations provides the instrumentality whereby
the principle of Collective Security, to which We personally have devoted
Our lifetime, achieves real and tangible existence and meaning. If force
must be employed in the world today in resistance to aggression and in the
maintenance of world peace, surely it is preferable that it be employed
through an institution such as the United Nations, in pursuance of
international decisions legally and openly arrived at there. Ethiopia has not
hesitated to respond in the past with all the resources at her disposal to the
call of the United Nations in times of crisis, and we shall not hesitate to do
so again should the call be made.
| Role Of The U.N. |
This leads Us into the next matter of which We would like to speak to
you: the supreme importance which we, and particularly the smaller
nations among us, must continue to attach to the role played by the United
Nations in the field of international relations. The United Nations, in the
first instance, provides the forum wherein we, who claim the freedom and
the position to speak frankly and openly against injustice, against desertion
of principle, against the intimidation, the oppression, the subjugation of the
weak by the powerful, can make our voices heard. We must be ever
vigilant to assure that such an institution is preserved to us. The year
1960 has been called the Year of Africa -- and rightly so. We would ask
our fellow Africans to assess in their own minds the significance of the
role which the very existence of the United Nations played in the liberation
of the millions of Africans who in the past few years have cast off the
yoke of subjugation. This is not to say that the United Nations is directly
responsible for the coming of age of Africa. We do assert, however, that
without the medium provided by the United Nations, wherein the African
struggle for freedom could be brought before the conscience of the world,
the forces of colonialism would remain far more firmly entrenched on the
African continent than they do today.
Equally important, the United Nations provides the instrumentality whereby
the principle of Collective Security, to which We personally have devoted
Our lifetime, achieves real and tangible existence and meaning. If force
must be employed in the world today in resistance to aggression and in the
maintenance of world peace, surely it is preferable that it be employed
through an institution such as the United Nations, in pursuance of
international decisions legally and openly arrived at there. Ethiopia has not
hesitated to respond in the past with all the resources at her disposal to the
call of the United Nations in times of crisis, and we shall not hesitate to do
so again should the call be made.
you: the supreme importance which we, and particularly the smaller
nations among us, must continue to attach to the role played by the United
Nations in the field of international relations. The United Nations, in the
first instance, provides the forum wherein we, who claim the freedom and
the position to speak frankly and openly against injustice, against desertion
of principle, against the intimidation, the oppression, the subjugation of the
weak by the powerful, can make our voices heard. We must be ever
vigilant to assure that such an institution is preserved to us. The year
1960 has been called the Year of Africa -- and rightly so. We would ask
our fellow Africans to assess in their own minds the significance of the
role which the very existence of the United Nations played in the liberation
of the millions of Africans who in the past few years have cast off the
yoke of subjugation. This is not to say that the United Nations is directly
responsible for the coming of age of Africa. We do assert, however, that
without the medium provided by the United Nations, wherein the African
struggle for freedom could be brought before the conscience of the world,
the forces of colonialism would remain far more firmly entrenched on the
African continent than they do today.
Equally important, the United Nations provides the instrumentality whereby
the principle of Collective Security, to which We personally have devoted
Our lifetime, achieves real and tangible existence and meaning. If force
must be employed in the world today in resistance to aggression and in the
maintenance of world peace, surely it is preferable that it be employed
through an institution such as the United Nations, in pursuance of
international decisions legally and openly arrived at there. Ethiopia has not
hesitated to respond in the past with all the resources at her disposal to the
call of the United Nations in times of crisis, and we shall not hesitate to do
so again should the call be made.
| The Future |
In dealing with the present problems, which at the moment appear so
overwhelming, let us, at the same time, do so with a clear eye to the
future. Let us be far-seeing in our actions. There is no area to which this
rule does not apply, and We would seek to apply it specifically, at this
moment, to the problem of colonialism.
We have spoken of the part played by the United Nations in contributing to
the decline of the system of colonialism. Although herself never
colonialized, Ethiopia, like all Asian and African states, has a lively and
vivid appreciation of the vices of this system. Ethiopia was arbitrarily
included within the sphere of influence of a colonial empire when the map
of Africa was carved up by treaty at the end of the 19th Century, and Our
country's invasion in 1935 was but the last act in a prolonged struggle to
impose upon Ethiopians this most ignoble of human conditions of
servitude. No nation in Africa, we Ethiopians proudly boast, can be said
to have more consistently and more fiercely fought against the shackles of
colonialism.
It is clear to Us that colonialism, defined in the classic sense, is forever
finished, both in Africa and in Asia. Its last remaining vestiges are being
systematically attacked and destroyed. The major powers, not entirely
voluntarily and not without the exertion of continuing pressure -- for
History knows of few instances where colonial powers have, of their own
free will, relinquish control of a dependent people -- have admitted that the
system is out of date, and have acted to change it.
At the same time that we applaud the serpent of colonialism in breathing its
last, and while we strain our every effort to speed its unlamented demise,
we must look beyond it to the problems which remain, several of which,
indeed, are created or at least intensified by the disappearance of
colonialism from the world scene. We must recognize and deal with the
attempts being made from all quarters to perpetrate colonial exploitation
under new forms and to introduce into our continents a new system no
less inimical to freedom and liberty. Independence means more than the
granting of national flags and anthems, and without real and effective
freedom in the economic and political spheres, liberty becomes a mere
catch-phrase, devoid of content. But in our haste to escape from one
system of bondage, we need not, all blindly, embrace another no less
oppressive and burdensome to the free spirit of man.
overwhelming, let us, at the same time, do so with a clear eye to the
future. Let us be far-seeing in our actions. There is no area to which this
rule does not apply, and We would seek to apply it specifically, at this
moment, to the problem of colonialism.
We have spoken of the part played by the United Nations in contributing to
the decline of the system of colonialism. Although herself never
colonialized, Ethiopia, like all Asian and African states, has a lively and
vivid appreciation of the vices of this system. Ethiopia was arbitrarily
included within the sphere of influence of a colonial empire when the map
of Africa was carved up by treaty at the end of the 19th Century, and Our
country's invasion in 1935 was but the last act in a prolonged struggle to
impose upon Ethiopians this most ignoble of human conditions of
servitude. No nation in Africa, we Ethiopians proudly boast, can be said
to have more consistently and more fiercely fought against the shackles of
colonialism.
It is clear to Us that colonialism, defined in the classic sense, is forever
finished, both in Africa and in Asia. Its last remaining vestiges are being
systematically attacked and destroyed. The major powers, not entirely
voluntarily and not without the exertion of continuing pressure -- for
History knows of few instances where colonial powers have, of their own
free will, relinquish control of a dependent people -- have admitted that the
system is out of date, and have acted to change it.
At the same time that we applaud the serpent of colonialism in breathing its
last, and while we strain our every effort to speed its unlamented demise,
we must look beyond it to the problems which remain, several of which,
indeed, are created or at least intensified by the disappearance of
colonialism from the world scene. We must recognize and deal with the
attempts being made from all quarters to perpetrate colonial exploitation
under new forms and to introduce into our continents a new system no
less inimical to freedom and liberty. Independence means more than the
granting of national flags and anthems, and without real and effective
freedom in the economic and political spheres, liberty becomes a mere
catch-phrase, devoid of content. But in our haste to escape from one
system of bondage, we need not, all blindly, embrace another no less
oppressive and burdensome to the free spirit of man.
| Complete Responsibility For Africans |
In the task which remains of exterminating the last remnants of
colonialism, We maintain that we need no longer search for or call upon
foreign assistance. Speaking now only for Africa, We firmly assert that
free Africans are now fully able and competent themselves to assume
complete responsibility for ensuring the ultimate expulsion from this
continent of the last colonial elements. We go further: We claim, for
Africa, the power and the ability to deal, without foreign interference, with
such problems as may arise on this continent in the future, save for those
few instances where Africans themselves may decide that the aid and
assistance of the United Nations is required.
For above all else, we must ensure that the cold war shall not be imported
into the African continent. African soil, for so long the battleground in the
struggle of the African peoples for freedom, must not and shall not now
be transformed into a field of hostilities in the cold war. Such a
development could nullify the conflict from which Africa is only now
emerging victorious, and obstruct and impede the solution of the problems
which decades and centuries of colonialism have strewn in their wake.
We here are all dedicated to the betterment of the conditions of man's life;
we all know the sorrows and misery of those who do not live but merely
exist, the lot of men whose living conditions are sub-standard. But when
We speak of the betterment of man's life, We refer, in addition, to the
spiritual conditions in which man lives, for just as a man without means to
feed his hunger and to clothe his nakedness can take no pride in his
existence as a human being, so, also is one who is reviled and
discriminated against because of his race or religion, robbed of his
self-respect and human dignity.
colonialism, We maintain that we need no longer search for or call upon
foreign assistance. Speaking now only for Africa, We firmly assert that
free Africans are now fully able and competent themselves to assume
complete responsibility for ensuring the ultimate expulsion from this
continent of the last colonial elements. We go further: We claim, for
Africa, the power and the ability to deal, without foreign interference, with
such problems as may arise on this continent in the future, save for those
few instances where Africans themselves may decide that the aid and
assistance of the United Nations is required.
For above all else, we must ensure that the cold war shall not be imported
into the African continent. African soil, for so long the battleground in the
struggle of the African peoples for freedom, must not and shall not now
be transformed into a field of hostilities in the cold war. Such a
development could nullify the conflict from which Africa is only now
emerging victorious, and obstruct and impede the solution of the problems
which decades and centuries of colonialism have strewn in their wake.
We here are all dedicated to the betterment of the conditions of man's life;
we all know the sorrows and misery of those who do not live but merely
exist, the lot of men whose living conditions are sub-standard. But when
We speak of the betterment of man's life, We refer, in addition, to the
spiritual conditions in which man lives, for just as a man without means to
feed his hunger and to clothe his nakedness can take no pride in his
existence as a human being, so, also is one who is reviled and
discriminated against because of his race or religion, robbed of his
self-respect and human dignity.
| Racial Discrimination |
The spectre of racial discrimination which has for so long cast its dark
and evil shadow over much of this globe is slowly disappearing. Men are
coming increasingly to be judged by their talents and abilities rather tha by
the less meaningful and far more superficial standards of race and religion.
But there yet remain those who, in their bigotry and ignorance, resist this
flooding tide, and it is against these that our efforts must be directed. The
struggle to win for our brothers in South Africa that status as free men,
free to stand, heads high, among free men the equals, which so many
millions of Africans and Asians have attained but yesterday, goes on. Our
duty is not discharged, our course is not run, our victory not won so long
as apartheid, the legitimized policy of the Government of the Union of
South Africa, prevails in any area of the world.
In South Africa, an attempt has been made to legislate the inequality of the
races. This attempt is doomed to failure. We here are all pledged not to
pause in this strife until its emptiness and mockery are revealed for all to
see and those who have used it for their own purposes have abjured this
doctrine which is an insult to all men and to Almighty God in Whose image
We are created. But, at the same time, let us not bemuse ourselves with
the notion that it is any more posssible to legislate equality, for these
matters concern attitudes and values over which intellect sadly exercises
but little control. Let us not recoil in hatred against those who, even while
protecting their freedom from bias and prejudice, reveal by their actions
that the poison of discrimination has left its lasting effects, and by this
reaction reveal that we, no less than they, are prey to unreasoning
emotion, that we, no less than they, are susceptible to that virus which is
called intolerance.
and evil shadow over much of this globe is slowly disappearing. Men are
coming increasingly to be judged by their talents and abilities rather tha by
the less meaningful and far more superficial standards of race and religion.
But there yet remain those who, in their bigotry and ignorance, resist this
flooding tide, and it is against these that our efforts must be directed. The
struggle to win for our brothers in South Africa that status as free men,
free to stand, heads high, among free men the equals, which so many
millions of Africans and Asians have attained but yesterday, goes on. Our
duty is not discharged, our course is not run, our victory not won so long
as apartheid, the legitimized policy of the Government of the Union of
South Africa, prevails in any area of the world.
In South Africa, an attempt has been made to legislate the inequality of the
races. This attempt is doomed to failure. We here are all pledged not to
pause in this strife until its emptiness and mockery are revealed for all to
see and those who have used it for their own purposes have abjured this
doctrine which is an insult to all men and to Almighty God in Whose image
We are created. But, at the same time, let us not bemuse ourselves with
the notion that it is any more posssible to legislate equality, for these
matters concern attitudes and values over which intellect sadly exercises
but little control. Let us not recoil in hatred against those who, even while
protecting their freedom from bias and prejudice, reveal by their actions
that the poison of discrimination has left its lasting effects, and by this
reaction reveal that we, no less than they, are prey to unreasoning
emotion, that we, no less than they, are susceptible to that virus which is
called intolerance.
| Apartheid Must Be Discredited |
The African states have already imposed direct sanctions in the economic
and diplomatic fields in an attempt to influence the policies of South Africa
and to convince the South African leaders that it is in no sense in their
interest longer to adhere to this policy. We should, during this
Conference, consider if there are not additional measures which we may
adopt to speed the inevitable day when the policy of racial discrimination
and the principle of apartheid are discredited and abandoned.
But let us take pride in the fact that as free men we attack and abhor racial
discrimination on principle, wherever it is found and in whatever guise.
We can, in addition to the economic pressures of which we dispose, bring
our moral weight to bear and rally would opinion to our cause by revealing
the brutality, the inhumanity, the inherent viciousness and evil represented
by this policy.
It is only natural for man to strive towards a better life, to wish to educate
his children while he himself was uneducated, to desire to shelter and
clothe them while he himself was naked and scourged by the elements, to
strive to spare them from the cruel diseases by which he himself was
ravaged. But when these ends are realized at the expense of others, at the
cost of their degradation and poverty, these desires, which are not
intrinsically immoral or pernicious in themselves, must be frustrated, and
the means by which these otherwise legitimate ends are sought to be
attained must be scorned and shunned.
We ourselves, the Non-Aligned Nations of the world, seek no less than
others these same objectives. And it is not by mere chance that we also
count among our number the great majority of the under-developed
nations of the world, for not until the direction and determination of man's
fate is firmly within his own grasp can he devote the totality of his
strength to his own good.
and diplomatic fields in an attempt to influence the policies of South Africa
and to convince the South African leaders that it is in no sense in their
interest longer to adhere to this policy. We should, during this
Conference, consider if there are not additional measures which we may
adopt to speed the inevitable day when the policy of racial discrimination
and the principle of apartheid are discredited and abandoned.
But let us take pride in the fact that as free men we attack and abhor racial
discrimination on principle, wherever it is found and in whatever guise.
We can, in addition to the economic pressures of which we dispose, bring
our moral weight to bear and rally would opinion to our cause by revealing
the brutality, the inhumanity, the inherent viciousness and evil represented
by this policy.
It is only natural for man to strive towards a better life, to wish to educate
his children while he himself was uneducated, to desire to shelter and
clothe them while he himself was naked and scourged by the elements, to
strive to spare them from the cruel diseases by which he himself was
ravaged. But when these ends are realized at the expense of others, at the
cost of their degradation and poverty, these desires, which are not
intrinsically immoral or pernicious in themselves, must be frustrated, and
the means by which these otherwise legitimate ends are sought to be
attained must be scorned and shunned.
We ourselves, the Non-Aligned Nations of the world, seek no less than
others these same objectives. And it is not by mere chance that we also
count among our number the great majority of the under-developed
nations of the world, for not until the direction and determination of man's
fate is firmly within his own grasp can he devote the totality of his
strength to his own good.
| Financial Assistance |
In order to speed our economic development, most of us require extensive
external financial assistance. We need not be ashamed of this fact,
particularly when the poverty and ignorance from which our peoples
suffer have been perpetuated through the deliberate and long-standing
policies of others. It is surely in the interest of those who look to the
uncommitted world to swing the balance between West and East that we
be economically strong and free of crippling bonds which would limit our
freedom of choice. Only if the Non-Aligned Nations have a real
opportunity of choice can their adherence to and support of their policies
be of value; a choice dictated by others or imposed by outside influence is
a meaningliess choice.
We believe that on this score the conscience of the world has been
awakened, and that the vast majority of men today recognize the truth of
what we say. There are those, however, who raise their voices in alarm,
warning us that this assistance is designed only to impose upon us another
but equally insidious form of subjugation. With this We do not agree. We
believe that it is possible for all of us to receive assistance form diverse
sources without compromising that independence and impartiality which
We have already declared should be the hallmark of the nations
represented here.
external financial assistance. We need not be ashamed of this fact,
particularly when the poverty and ignorance from which our peoples
suffer have been perpetuated through the deliberate and long-standing
policies of others. It is surely in the interest of those who look to the
uncommitted world to swing the balance between West and East that we
be economically strong and free of crippling bonds which would limit our
freedom of choice. Only if the Non-Aligned Nations have a real
opportunity of choice can their adherence to and support of their policies
be of value; a choice dictated by others or imposed by outside influence is
a meaningliess choice.
We believe that on this score the conscience of the world has been
awakened, and that the vast majority of men today recognize the truth of
what we say. There are those, however, who raise their voices in alarm,
warning us that this assistance is designed only to impose upon us another
but equally insidious form of subjugation. With this We do not agree. We
believe that it is possible for all of us to receive assistance form diverse
sources without compromising that independence and impartiality which
We have already declared should be the hallmark of the nations
represented here.
| Aid Programmes |
Nonetheless, this fear exists, and when it is coupled with the fear that two
assistance programmes carried on within the dame area by competing
power groupings will ultimately result in the importation into our countries
of the very cold war from which we seek to disengage ourselves, a
powerful and compelling argument for multilateral rather than bilateral
assistance is made. Happily, there aready exists, in the United Nations, the
effective means for the channeling and administration of massive aid
programmes free of these attendant dangers. Considerable progress has
already been made in this realm, and we all have cause to be heartened by
the ever-increasing role which the United Nations is playing in this field, a
role which is financed by the contributions of those who, recognizing the
validity of our fears, are prepared to accept this technique as a means of
meeting them at no sacrifice to the advancement and enlightenment of the
under-developed peoples. In enlarging the scope of the United Nations
operations in the field of economic development, we also strengthen its
position and heighten its stature as an international force for the
preservation of peace.
It is one of the tragedies of our day that while half of the world's
population is wracked by a never-satisfied hunger and remains
poverty-stricken, disease-ridden and ignorant, vast amounts are spent by
great powers on armaments, money which, if diverted to satisfying the
basic human needs of the poorer people of the world, could transform
their lives and restore to them their human dignity, their happiness in the
present and their confidence and faith in the future. No nation is
possessed of limitless riches, and each heightening of world tensions and
the forced expenditure which calls forth greater military strength on the
part of those to whom we look for aid, serves to lessen the sums available
to fight misery, and the great nations cannot, even if they would, enlist
their full support in this battle.
assistance programmes carried on within the dame area by competing
power groupings will ultimately result in the importation into our countries
of the very cold war from which we seek to disengage ourselves, a
powerful and compelling argument for multilateral rather than bilateral
assistance is made. Happily, there aready exists, in the United Nations, the
effective means for the channeling and administration of massive aid
programmes free of these attendant dangers. Considerable progress has
already been made in this realm, and we all have cause to be heartened by
the ever-increasing role which the United Nations is playing in this field, a
role which is financed by the contributions of those who, recognizing the
validity of our fears, are prepared to accept this technique as a means of
meeting them at no sacrifice to the advancement and enlightenment of the
under-developed peoples. In enlarging the scope of the United Nations
operations in the field of economic development, we also strengthen its
position and heighten its stature as an international force for the
preservation of peace.
It is one of the tragedies of our day that while half of the world's
population is wracked by a never-satisfied hunger and remains
poverty-stricken, disease-ridden and ignorant, vast amounts are spent by
great powers on armaments, money which, if diverted to satisfying the
basic human needs of the poorer people of the world, could transform
their lives and restore to them their human dignity, their happiness in the
present and their confidence and faith in the future. No nation is
possessed of limitless riches, and each heightening of world tensions and
the forced expenditure which calls forth greater military strength on the
part of those to whom we look for aid, serves to lessen the sums available
to fight misery, and the great nations cannot, even if they would, enlist
their full support in this battle.
| The Cold War |
And yet, while we await hopefully that measure of assistance which,
coupled with our own resources, could assure the ultimate triumph of the
under-developed peoples over their poverty, the rich and powerful boast of
the size of their military arms and the might of their forces. The one
claims that it will spend the other into bankruptcy and collapse -- a most
worthy and noble objective. We must recognize that the cold war poses
not only a military danger; the cold war robs the under-developed nations
of their hopes for a happier and more prosperous future. Much emphasis
has been laid on the risks to man's life on this planet which a world arms
race carries with it, and too little recognition has been given to side-effects
and indirect consequences of astronomical military spending.
Disarmament must be achieved not only because in this fashion will the
threat of a world holocaust be dispelled, but, equally because only through
a drastic reduction in the military budgets of the great powers can the vast
resources required to raise all of mankind to the level of free men be freed
for these purposes.
The agenda which has been placed before us at this Conference is
ambitions in the extreme. In effect, we are to pass judgment, in one way
or another, on virutally every question of significance which confronts the
world today. This is as it should be; once having taken our places as
responsible, intelligent members in the international family of nations, we
cannot shirk our consequent duties.
This agenda raises both questions of principle and questions involving the
application of accepted principles to specific problem areas. Both types of
questions pose equally great difficulties, and there are no easy answers to
the problemss before us.
coupled with our own resources, could assure the ultimate triumph of the
under-developed peoples over their poverty, the rich and powerful boast of
the size of their military arms and the might of their forces. The one
claims that it will spend the other into bankruptcy and collapse -- a most
worthy and noble objective. We must recognize that the cold war poses
not only a military danger; the cold war robs the under-developed nations
of their hopes for a happier and more prosperous future. Much emphasis
has been laid on the risks to man's life on this planet which a world arms
race carries with it, and too little recognition has been given to side-effects
and indirect consequences of astronomical military spending.
Disarmament must be achieved not only because in this fashion will the
threat of a world holocaust be dispelled, but, equally because only through
a drastic reduction in the military budgets of the great powers can the vast
resources required to raise all of mankind to the level of free men be freed
for these purposes.
The agenda which has been placed before us at this Conference is
ambitions in the extreme. In effect, we are to pass judgment, in one way
or another, on virutally every question of significance which confronts the
world today. This is as it should be; once having taken our places as
responsible, intelligent members in the international family of nations, we
cannot shirk our consequent duties.
This agenda raises both questions of principle and questions involving the
application of accepted principles to specific problem areas. Both types of
questions pose equally great difficulties, and there are no easy answers to
the problemss before us.
| Right Of Peoples |
We may cite one example arising out of the very language of the Charter
of the United Nations. We are to discuss, during this Conference, the
right of peoples and nations to self-determination, a right which is an issue
in various regions of the world today. We are also called upon to reaffirm
our respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and the
principle of non-interference and non-intervention in their internal affairs,
principles which have demonstrated their essential worth and validity in the
field of international relations many times over and to which we believe all
here are wholly dedicated.
We deign to suggest that there is some inconsistency, some internal
contradiction between these principles when closely linked together,
whereas considered separately and apart, none would deny them at least
lip service. Can a Government which overtly or covertly supports the
violation of the territorial integrity of another state justify its actions on the
ground that it seeks only to implement the principle of self-determination
for all or a portion of the people of the nation? We think not. To contend
contrariwise si to adopt the thesis of Adolf Hitler, who contended, in
support of the action of the Third Reich in incorporating Austria into
Germany, that "It is obvious that an idea embracing the entire German
people and arising from its depths cannot be stopped at the frontiers of a
country."
of the United Nations. We are to discuss, during this Conference, the
right of peoples and nations to self-determination, a right which is an issue
in various regions of the world today. We are also called upon to reaffirm
our respect for the sovereignty and territorial integrity of states and the
principle of non-interference and non-intervention in their internal affairs,
principles which have demonstrated their essential worth and validity in the
field of international relations many times over and to which we believe all
here are wholly dedicated.
We deign to suggest that there is some inconsistency, some internal
contradiction between these principles when closely linked together,
whereas considered separately and apart, none would deny them at least
lip service. Can a Government which overtly or covertly supports the
violation of the territorial integrity of another state justify its actions on the
ground that it seeks only to implement the principle of self-determination
for all or a portion of the people of the nation? We think not. To contend
contrariwise si to adopt the thesis of Adolf Hitler, who contended, in
support of the action of the Third Reich in incorporating Austria into
Germany, that "It is obvious that an idea embracing the entire German
people and arising from its depths cannot be stopped at the frontiers of a
country."
| Peaceful Co-existence |
Similarly, when we consider the topic of peaceful co-existence among
states with different political and social systems, we must guard against
careless use of terms or language which, for different people, have
different meanings. Peaceful co-existence is not merely the absence of
war. It embraces non-interference and non-intervention in the domestic
affairs of others, refraining from propaganda activities calculated to create
disharmony among states short of war or among peoples of the same
nation, the cessation of subversive activities designed to ferment civil
disorder and revolution in other nations, and the like. The word itself is an
empty bottle; it is for us to give it content and meaning.
In considering the specific problems before us, We find hardly more cause
for optimism or for hopes of easy and early solutions. But, to revert to a
theme earlier sounded, that upon which Ethiopia's foreign policy is
founded, it is to the United Nations that we must look for the final
decisions concerning these crisis areas. Let us consider Algeria, where
thousands have died in seeking those rights which we assembled in this
hall enjoy as our most precious possessions. This problem, of
fundamental importance for the security of the world, has already figured
on the agenda of several sessions of the General Assembly of the United
Nations, and in a few days it will again be the subject of discussion there.
We remain hopeful that bilateral negotiations between France and the
representatives of the F.L.N., here among us, will terminate in success;
meanwhile, we cannot abdicate our obligations to bring our concerted
weight to bear to this same end, in that forum which is particularly
calculated to maximize our influence in the speedy resolution of this and
similar problems. We pledge our ceaseless efforts to the achievement of
the independence of the Algerian people, and we await impatiently the day
when Algeria will take here rightful palce as a free state in the community
of nations.
states with different political and social systems, we must guard against
careless use of terms or language which, for different people, have
different meanings. Peaceful co-existence is not merely the absence of
war. It embraces non-interference and non-intervention in the domestic
affairs of others, refraining from propaganda activities calculated to create
disharmony among states short of war or among peoples of the same
nation, the cessation of subversive activities designed to ferment civil
disorder and revolution in other nations, and the like. The word itself is an
empty bottle; it is for us to give it content and meaning.
In considering the specific problems before us, We find hardly more cause
for optimism or for hopes of easy and early solutions. But, to revert to a
theme earlier sounded, that upon which Ethiopia's foreign policy is
founded, it is to the United Nations that we must look for the final
decisions concerning these crisis areas. Let us consider Algeria, where
thousands have died in seeking those rights which we assembled in this
hall enjoy as our most precious possessions. This problem, of
fundamental importance for the security of the world, has already figured
on the agenda of several sessions of the General Assembly of the United
Nations, and in a few days it will again be the subject of discussion there.
We remain hopeful that bilateral negotiations between France and the
representatives of the F.L.N., here among us, will terminate in success;
meanwhile, we cannot abdicate our obligations to bring our concerted
weight to bear to this same end, in that forum which is particularly
calculated to maximize our influence in the speedy resolution of this and
similar problems. We pledge our ceaseless efforts to the achievement of
the independence of the Algerian people, and we await impatiently the day
when Algeria will take here rightful palce as a free state in the community
of nations.
| Angola And Bizerta |
Angola poses a particular problem for us Africans who would now take
into our own hands the determination of our own fate and the shaping of
our own future. Again, We are confident that within the four walls of the
United Nations, Africans will secure the means whereby the people of
Angola will be enabled to stand among us as free people, and the Angola
problem will be expunged from the list of items which vex the conscience
of the nations of the world.
The entire world has been saddened and disheartened by the recent
bloodshed at Bizerta, where gallant Tunisians died in seeking only to regan
for their nation those last few acres of Tunisian soil still dedicated to the
maintenance of military bases. We sorrow that peaceful discussion failed
to lead to a peaceful evacuation of this base. While reaffirming the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of the nation of Tunisia over Bizerta,
We urge those most intimately concerned to spare no efforts that the
further spilling of blood may be avoided, and We particularly urge that the
resolution adopted by the emergency session of the United Nations General
Assembly last week be speedily implemented.
On the continent of Africa, we have witnessed, during the past years, the
sad spectacle of Africans ranged against Africans in a struggle not of their
own making, in which only Africans will be the losers. Here, again, peace
has largely been preserved through the efforts of the United Nations.
Ethiopia has contributed to the full extent of her resources to these
endeavours to resolve this problem through peaceful discussions, and
Ethiopian soldiers serve in the Congo in ensuring the United Nations
presence there. We may all take encouragement in the considerable
improvement which recent developments have introduced into the situation
there.
into our own hands the determination of our own fate and the shaping of
our own future. Again, We are confident that within the four walls of the
United Nations, Africans will secure the means whereby the people of
Angola will be enabled to stand among us as free people, and the Angola
problem will be expunged from the list of items which vex the conscience
of the nations of the world.
The entire world has been saddened and disheartened by the recent
bloodshed at Bizerta, where gallant Tunisians died in seeking only to regan
for their nation those last few acres of Tunisian soil still dedicated to the
maintenance of military bases. We sorrow that peaceful discussion failed
to lead to a peaceful evacuation of this base. While reaffirming the
sovereignty and territorial integrity of the nation of Tunisia over Bizerta,
We urge those most intimately concerned to spare no efforts that the
further spilling of blood may be avoided, and We particularly urge that the
resolution adopted by the emergency session of the United Nations General
Assembly last week be speedily implemented.
On the continent of Africa, we have witnessed, during the past years, the
sad spectacle of Africans ranged against Africans in a struggle not of their
own making, in which only Africans will be the losers. Here, again, peace
has largely been preserved through the efforts of the United Nations.
Ethiopia has contributed to the full extent of her resources to these
endeavours to resolve this problem through peaceful discussions, and
Ethiopian soldiers serve in the Congo in ensuring the United Nations
presence there. We may all take encouragement in the considerable
improvement which recent developments have introduced into the situation
there.
| Conflict Reigns |
As our gaze travels over the map of the world, we find no quarter wholly
free from problems which threaten the preservation of the peace. In Laos,
a conflict had raged which, even though localized, carries with it far wider
implications. We urge that the fourteen-nation conference which is even
now meeting in Geneva to settle this question reach a speedy decision
which will restore to this nation the serenity and tranquillity which it had
earlier enjoyed.
Also in Southeast Asia, we find the problem involving the people of West
Irian. Ethiopia has in the past supported the position of Indonesia on this
question before the United Nations and will continue to do so.
When we speak of urgent problems, when we look to those regions most
likely to emit the spark whereby the conflagration of a general war
threatening the destruction of us all may be ignited. Our gaze is inexorably
drawn to Berlin, an unhappy city, a city split in twain, a city divided
against itself and isolated from the rest of the German people by barriers
far more compelling and restraining than mere barbed wire or steel
barricades. Among the many lamps signalling danger to peace, that of
Berlin glows most desperately, as if it would frantically attract thereby the
attention of all men devoted to the cause of peace.
free from problems which threaten the preservation of the peace. In Laos,
a conflict had raged which, even though localized, carries with it far wider
implications. We urge that the fourteen-nation conference which is even
now meeting in Geneva to settle this question reach a speedy decision
which will restore to this nation the serenity and tranquillity which it had
earlier enjoyed.
Also in Southeast Asia, we find the problem involving the people of West
Irian. Ethiopia has in the past supported the position of Indonesia on this
question before the United Nations and will continue to do so.
When we speak of urgent problems, when we look to those regions most
likely to emit the spark whereby the conflagration of a general war
threatening the destruction of us all may be ignited. Our gaze is inexorably
drawn to Berlin, an unhappy city, a city split in twain, a city divided
against itself and isolated from the rest of the German people by barriers
far more compelling and restraining than mere barbed wire or steel
barricades. Among the many lamps signalling danger to peace, that of
Berlin glows most desperately, as if it would frantically attract thereby the
attention of all men devoted to the cause of peace.
| The Berlin Question |
Where are we, the Non-Algined States, to turn in seeking the solution to
Berlin? The Four Powers have this far proved themselves either unable, or
incapable, or both, of arriving at an answer. But this problem concerns us
all; can we long allow it to be the sole responsibility, the monopoly, of
these four? Ethiopia supports the concept of a unified Germany. Ethiopia
supports the principle of free access to West Berlin. But if this is not
enough, there is left to us only to ask, rather, to demand, that this question
be brought before the United Nations for resolution by it.
And so, again, We come to the United Nations. Is it inconsistent with Our
own life or the principles by which We have guided Our nation throughout
Our lifetime that We should do so? Surely, a nation as ill and cruelly
served as was Ethiopia twenty-five years ago before the League of
Nations, another tribunal which claimed to act, as a single body, in the
protection of the peace and the preservation of the interests of its smallest
and weakest member, should have profited by its error long since.
No, for us, for the small, the weak, the under-developed, ther is nowhere
else to go. If we turn to one or another of the major power groups, we
risk engorgement, that gradual process of assimilation which destroys
identity and personality. We must, by force of circumstances, look to the
United Nations, however imperfect, however deficient, to preserve the
peace and to lend us its support in our endeavours to secure a better life
for our peoples, and we must concentrate our efforts, little or great, to the
achievement of its stated ends, for only thus can we secure our free and
continued existence.
Berlin? The Four Powers have this far proved themselves either unable, or
incapable, or both, of arriving at an answer. But this problem concerns us
all; can we long allow it to be the sole responsibility, the monopoly, of
these four? Ethiopia supports the concept of a unified Germany. Ethiopia
supports the principle of free access to West Berlin. But if this is not
enough, there is left to us only to ask, rather, to demand, that this question
be brought before the United Nations for resolution by it.
And so, again, We come to the United Nations. Is it inconsistent with Our
own life or the principles by which We have guided Our nation throughout
Our lifetime that We should do so? Surely, a nation as ill and cruelly
served as was Ethiopia twenty-five years ago before the League of
Nations, another tribunal which claimed to act, as a single body, in the
protection of the peace and the preservation of the interests of its smallest
and weakest member, should have profited by its error long since.
No, for us, for the small, the weak, the under-developed, ther is nowhere
else to go. If we turn to one or another of the major power groups, we
risk engorgement, that gradual process of assimilation which destroys
identity and personality. We must, by force of circumstances, look to the
United Nations, however imperfect, however deficient, to preserve the
peace and to lend us its support in our endeavours to secure a better life
for our peoples, and we must concentrate our efforts, little or great, to the
achievement of its stated ends, for only thus can we secure our free and
continued existence.
| Incapable Of Despair |
Thsi is not a counsel of despair. Our own life has demonstrated that We
are incapable of despair. Men will die in defence of principle; men will
sacrifice their all rather than compromise themselves and renounce that
which distinguishes them form the beasts -- their moral faculty. If this
force in men can but be awakened and focused on the problems of each
day, we shall, God willing, survive each day to the dawn of each
tomorrow, and in this survival guarantee to our children and our children's
children a lifetime of peace and security, under justice and right, and under
God.
are incapable of despair. Men will die in defence of principle; men will
sacrifice their all rather than compromise themselves and renounce that
which distinguishes them form the beasts -- their moral faculty. If this
force in men can but be awakened and focused on the problems of each
day, we shall, God willing, survive each day to the dawn of each
tomorrow, and in this survival guarantee to our children and our children's
children a lifetime of peace and security, under justice and right, and under
God.
| Haile Selassie the First - September 3, 1961 |