Ba Beta Kristiyan Haile Selassie I
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Copyright © 2003-2004 The Church of Haile Selassie I, Inc. ~ All rights reserved.
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The Church of Haile Selassie I, Inc.
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The Church of Haile Selassie I, Inc.
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Ba Beta Kristiyan Haile Selassie I
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Address To The U.S. Congress May 26, 1954
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Among the first proponents of personal diplomacy, His Majesty the Emperor has made state visits to friendly nations in all the known continents of the world. In these days of expanding and developing audio-visual and mass-media communications, no other single factor has done more to focus world attention on the image of Ethiopia than His Imperial Majesty's many visits to friendly nations. On the domestic scene this personal diplomacy has resulted in both tangible and intangible benefits to the Ethiopian people and nation. Much of the nation's modern advance and her growing international stature could be traced to the Emperor's use of this high-level personal diplomacy which he has practised for over four decades.
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I count it a privilege to address what is one of the greatest Parliaments in
the world today -- where the forces that make great one of the most
powerful of nations have been and are being brought to bear and where
issues of world-wide importance have been decided.
The extent of that power and influence and the rapidity with which you
have reached such a summit of importance for the rest of the world are
unparalleled in world history and surpass all conceivable comparisons.
Two hundred years ago today, as I am speaking, General George
Washington won the battle of Fort Necessity, a victory in the gradual
forging together of the United States.
What a phenomenal progress has been made in that interval of two
hundred years, an interval which -- you may pardon me as representative
of one of the most ancient nations in the world -- is surely but a
surprisingly short passage of time.
So great are your power and wealth that the budget of a single American
city often equals that of an entire nation.
As in the case of other countries, you gave us lend-lease assistance during
the war and, at present both mutual security and technical assistance. Yet,
so vast are your power and resources that even after deducting all
expenses of the Federal Government, you have met the costs of this
assistance in one-quarter of an hour -- fifteen minutes -- of your annual
production.
Of what interest is it to you then, you may well ask, that I, the head of
what must be for you a small and remote country, should appear before
you in the midst of your deliberations? I do not take it upon myself to
point out why Ethiopia is important to the United States -- that you can
best judge for yourselves, but rather, to explain to you with brevity, the
circumstances which make Ethiopia a signficant factor in world politics.
Since so much of world politics is today, influenced by the decisions
which you, Members of Congress, reach, here in these halls, it is perhaps,
not unimportant that I set our these considerations for you.
A moment ago, I remarked that, for you, Ethiopia must appear to be a
small and remote country. Both of these terms are purely relative. In
fact, so far as size is concerned, Ethiopia has exactly the area and
population of your entire Pacific Far-West consisting of the states of
California, Oregon, Washington and also Idaho. We are remote, perhaps,
only in the sense that We enjoy a secure position on the high plateau of
East Africa protected by the Red Sea and Our mountain fastness.
However, by the numerous airlines that link us with the rest of the world,
it is possible to arrive in Washington from Addis Ababa in less than two
days.
By one of those strange parallels of history, Ethiopia and a certain
well-known country of the Far East who both enjoy highly defensible and
strategic positions in their respective areas of the world, both, for similar
reasons, simultaneously, at the beginning of the seventeenth century came
out of their period of isolation. As in the case of the other country, that
isolation came to an end in the latter half of the nineteenth century, with
this difference that, upon abandoning her policy of isolation she was
immediately called upon to defend against tremendous odds, her
thousand-year-old independence. Indeed so bitter has been this struggle
against foreign aggrandizement that were it not for our persistence and for
the enormous social, economic and material advance Ethiopia has made in
the interval and particularly since the last war, Ethiopia might very well
have returned to her policy of isolation.
In consequence, in many respects, and particularly since the last World
War, Ethiopia has become a new frontier of widely expanding
opportunities, notwithstanding the tremendous set-back which we
suffered in the unprovoked invasion of Our country nineteen years ago
and the long years of unaided struggle against an infinitely stronger enemy.
The last seven years have seen the quadrupling of Our foreign trade,
currency and foreign exchange holdings. Holdings of American dollars
have increased ten times over. The Ethiopian dollar has become the only
U.S. dollar-based currency in the Middle East today. The assets of Our
national bank of issue have increased one thousand percent. Blessed with
what is perhaps the most fertile soil in Africa, well-watered, and with a
wide variety of climates ranging from the temperate on the plateau, to the
tropical in the valleys, Ethiopia can grow throughout the year crops,
normally raised only in widely separated areas of the earth's surface.
Since the war, Ethiopia has become the granary of the Middle East, as well
as the only exporter of meat, cereals and vegetables. Whereas at the end
of the war, every education facility had been destroyed, today, schools are
springing up throughout the land, the enrollment has quadrupled and, as in
the pioneer days in the United States, and indeed, I presume, as in the lives
of many of the distinguished members of Congress here present,
school-children, in their zeal for education, take all sorts of work in order
to earn money to purchase text books and to pursue their education.
Haile Selassie the First - May 26, 1954
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Finally, through the return in 1952, of its historical ports on the Red Sea
and of the long-lost territory of Eritrea, Ethiopia has not only regained
access to the sea, but has been one of the few states in the post-war
world to have regained a lost territory pursuant to post-war treaties and in
application of peaceful methods.
We have thus become a land of expanding opportunities where the
American pioneering spirit, ingenuity, and technical abilities have been and
will continue to be welcomed.
A thousand-year-old history of struggles to defend the territorial integrity
of Our country, the long fight for liberation two decades ago and the
recent campaign in Korea have given Our army an esprit de corps and a
fighting spirit that, I believe, can stand, without misgiving, for comparison.
Today, Our fighting forces are among the largest and best trained in the
Middle East.
Unlike many other countries, Ethiopia has long been a nation of small,
rather than of large land-owners. Moreover, a profoundly democratic
tradition has assured in the past, as it assures today, the rise to the highest
post of responsibility in the government, of men of the humblest of origins.
It is but natural, therefore, that as a state which has existed for three
thousand years, which has regained its independence by the blood of its
patriots, which commands the allegiance and loyalty of even its most
lowly subjects, and which enjoys an unusually sound economy, should
have a regime of marked stability in that area of the world where stability
is so frequently absent today.
Such is the state of Ethiopia today about which I am speaking. It is
against this background that I wish to talk to you of Ethiopia as a factor in
world politics. Her geographic location is of great significance, with her
long shoreline and its archipelago of hundreds of islands. Ethiopia
occupies a unique position on the most constricted but important of
strategic lines of communications in the world, that which passes through
the Red Sea. She also lies on the other most strategic line of
communication in the world, namely the world band of
telecommunications which, because of natural phenomena, circles the
world at the equator.
However, in yet perhaps a broader sense is Ethiopia's geographical position
of significance. Through her location on the shores of the Red Sea and in
the horn of East Africa, Ethiopia has profound historical ties with the rest
of the Middle East as well as with Africa.
In this respect she stands in a completely unique position. Her culture and
social structure were founded in the mingling of her original culture and
civilization with the Hamitic and Semitic migrations into Africa from the
Arabian peninsula, and, in fact, today, our language, Amharic, is a member
of that large family of Hamitic and Semitic tongues and, therefore,
intimately related to Hebrew and Arabic.
Indeed, at one time Ethiopia extended to both sides of the Red Sea as well
as north to Upper Egypt. It was, therefore, not without reason that,
during the Middle Ages, the Emperor was known as "He who maintains
order between the Christians and the Moslems." A profound
comprehension of and sympathy with the other states of the Middle East
naturally inspires Ethiopian national policies.
On the other hand, three thousand years of history make of Ethiopia a
profoundly African state in all that that term implies. In the United
Nations, she has been to the forefront in the defense of Africa's racial,
economic and social interests.
Finally, both culturally and geographically, Ethiopia serves to a unique
degree as the link between the Middle East and Africa. Situated in the
horn of Africa, and along the shores of the Red Sea, with the desert area
of Africa to the north and west, it is but natural that Ethiopia should be the
filter known as "he who maintains order between the Christians and the
Moslems." A profound comprehension of and sympathy with the other
states of the Middle East naturally inspires Ethiopian national policies,
through which the ideas and influences of the continent of Africa should
pass to the East and vice versa.
Thus, our social and political outlook and orientation became important not
only in terms of Middle Eastern and African, but also in terms of world
politics -- and this leads me to point to a factor which I consider to be of
unique signficance. We have a profound orientation towards the West.
One consideration alone, although there are others, would suffice to
explain this result. The two Americas and the continent of Europe
together constitute exactly one-third of the land masses of the world and
are concentrated with the peoples of the Christian Faith. It is in this
one-third that but with rare exceptions, Christianity does not extend
beyond the confines of the Mediterranean. Here, I find it significant that,
in point of fact, in this remaining two-thirds of the earth's surface,
Ethiopia is the stat having the largest Christian population and is by far the
largest Christian state in the Middle East. In fact, Ethiopia is unique
among the nations of the world in that it is, today, the one remaining
Christian state that can trace her history unbroken as a Christian polity
from the days when the Roman Empire itself was still a vigorous reality.
The strength of the Christian tradition has been of vital significance in Our
national history, and as a force for the unification of the Empire of
Ethiopia. It is this force which gives us, among the other countries of the
Middle East, a profound orientation towards the West. We read the same
bible. We speak a common spiritual language.
It is this heritage of ideals and principles, that has excluded from our
conscious, indeed, from our unconscious processes, the possibility of
compromising with those principles which We hold sacred. We have
sought to remain faithful to the principles of respect for the rights of
others, and the right of each people to an independent existence. We, like
you, are profoundly opposed to the un-Christian use of force and are, as
you, attached to a concept of the pacific settlement of disputes.
Our lone struggle before the outbreak of the last world catastrophe as,
indeed, our recent participation in the combined efforts and the glorius
comradeship in arms in Korea have marked us, like you, in giving mre than
lip service to these ideals. It is your deep comprehension of our ideals and
struggles in which it has been my privilege to lead, at times not without
heartbreak, My beloved people, and Our common comradeship in arms
that have laid a very sure and lasting basis for friendship between a great
and a small country.
Last year, we concluded with you a new treaty of friendship, commerce
and navigation designed to assure to American business enterprises
expanded opportunities in Ethiopia. Our dollar-based currency is also
there to assure the ready return to the United States of the profits of their
investments. We have entrusted to American enterprises the development
of our civil aviation which has surpassed all expectations. To American
enterprise we have confided the exploitation of our oil resources as well as
of our gold deposits. Although my country is 8,000 miles removed from
the eastern seaboard of the United States, United States exports to
Ethiopia, have, notwithstanding this heavy handicap, pushed forward to
the forefront in Ethiopia.
Conversely, the United States stands in first rank of countries to whom we
export. Ethiopia has, from the province of Kaffa, given the world the
name and product of coffee. The coffee which you drink attains its
unique and pleasant American flavour in part at least through the added
mixture of Ethiopian coffee. American shoes are made, in part at least,
from Ethiopian goatskins which are principally exported to the United
States.
On the other hand, you have given us valuable support, not only in
lend-lease assistance during the war, and today through mutual security
and technical assistance agreements, but you have also powerfully aided
us in obtaining rectification of long-standing injustices. If, today, the
brother territory of Eritrea stands finally united under the Crown and if
Ethiopia has regained her shore-lines on the Red Sea, it has been due, in no
small measure to the contribution of the Unites States of America. I am
happy to take this occasion to express to you, the Congress which has
approved this assistance, the sincere and lasting appreciation of My people.
This collaboration with the West and with the United States in particular
has taken yet broader forms. There is our military collaboration based on
the mutual security programme. If we leave out the Atlantic group,
Ethiopia has been the only state of the Middle East to follow the example
of the United States in sending forces to Korea for the defence of
collective security.
In so doing, Ethiopia has been inspired by a vision which is broader than
her pre-occupation with regional policies or advantages. Nearly two
decades ago, I personally assumed before history the responsibility of
placing the fate of My beloved people on the issue of collective security,
for surely, at that time and for the first time in world history, that issue
was posed in all its clarity. My searching of conscience convinced me of
the rightness of my course and if, after untold suffering, and, indeed,
unaided resistance at the time of the aggression we now see that final
vindication of that principle in our joint action in Korea, I can only be
thankful that God gave me strength to persist in our faith until the moment
of its recent glorious vindication.
We do not view this principle as an extenuation for failing to defend our
homeland to the last drop of one's blood, and indeed, our own struggles
during the last two decades bear testimony to our conviction that in
matters of collective security as of Providence. "God helps him who helps
himself."
However, We feel that nowhere can the call for aid against aggression be
refused by any state large or small. It is rather a universal principle or it is
no principle at all. It cannot admit of regional application or be of regional
responsibility. That is why We, like you, have sent troops halfway around
the world to Korea. We must face that responsibility for its application
wherever it may arise in these troubled hours of world history. Faithful to
the sacred memory of her patriots who fell in Ethiopia and in Korea in
defence of that principle. Ethiopia cannot do otherwise.
The world has ceaselessly sought for and has striven to apply some
system for assuring the peace of the world. Many solutions have been
proposed and many have failed. Today the system which We have
advocated and with which the name of Ethiopia is inseparably associated
has, after her sacrifices of two decades ago, and her recent sacrifices with
the United States and other in Korea, finally demonstrated its worth.
However, no system, not even that of collective security, can succeed
unless there is not only a firm determination to apply it universally both in
space and time, but also whatever be the cost. Having successfully
applied the system of collective security in Korea, we must now, wherever
in the world the peace is threatened, pursue its application more resolutely
than ever and with courageous acceptance of its burdens. We have the
sacred duty to Our children to spare them the sacrifices which We have
known. I call upon the world for determination fearlessly to apply and to
accept as you and We have accepted them -- the sacrifices of collective
security.
It is here that Our common Christian heritage unites two peoples across
the globe in a community of ideals and endeavour. Ethiopia seeks only to
affirm and broaden that co-operation between peace-loving nations.